Constraints on Displacement: A Phase-based Approach
This monograph sets out to derive the effects of standard constraints on displacement like the Minimal Link Condition (MLC) and the Condition on Extraction Domain (CED) from more basic principles in a minimalist approach. Assuming that movement via phase edges is possible only in the presence of edge features on phase heads, simple restrictions can be introduced on when such edge features can be inserted derivationally. The resulting system is shown to correctly predict MLC/CED effects (including certain exceptions, like intervention without c-command and melting). In addition, it derives operator-island effects, a restriction on extraction from verb-second clauses, and island repair by ellipsis. The approach presupposes that syntactic operations apply in a fixed order: Timing emerges as crucial. Thus, the book provides new arguments for a strictly derivational organization of syntax. Accordingly, it should be of interest not only to all syntacticians working on islands, but more generally to all scholars interested in the overall organization of grammar.
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A-over-A Principle analysis argument assume assumption barrier status blocked Buch c-command CED effects Chapter Chomsky Chomsky’s CNPC context deletion derivation discharged edge domain Edge Feature Condition edge feature insertion embedded expletive external Merge extraction Fanselow follows Fritz G)MLC effects German given head-marking HPSG intermediate movement steps intervention effects involve island effects last-merged complements lexical item locality constraints maraudage Maria Maria matrix melting effect minimalist moved item movement-related morphology Müller operator island option parasitic gaps phase edge phase head pied piping possible predicted probe feature problem pronoun pseudo-melting reference set Relativized Minimality relevant reprojection requirement scrambling sluicing SpecT Specv Sternefeld Strict Cycle Condition structure structure-building features subcategorization feature Subject Condition subject DP successive-cyclic movement superiority effects syntactic operations tion topic island trigger undergo ungrammatical Uriagereka verb verb-second clauses verb-second movement violation wh-island wh-movement wh-phrase who1 Who2