H. of R.] The Tariff. [MAY 5, 1830. duced him to this miserable condition? Heavy taxation, millions of dollars, a most oppressive tax, yet one from the unequal and extravagant disbursements, unjust monopo- weight of which we are not relieved by our connexion lies, exhausting the means of millions to swell the coffers with the North, whilst we are altogether deprived of the of a few. advantage of its disbursement, and have our foreign market endangered by a fruitless and bitter competition. As we export for consumption, that portion which is not taken from us by taxes, we do consume; and upon this we pay the duty, either in taxes to the Government, or bounties to the manufacturer. With the exception of our trade with the West, of four or five millions of dollars, (and our exportation of cotton to the North will amply compensate for the exception,) almost the whole of our consumption consists of articles imported or protected, and an average of between forty-five and fifty per cent. will not exceed the actual amount of taxation to which we are subjected. We are the ultimate consumers, possessing no power of throwing our burdens upon others; upon us the tax falls. But, sir, what need is there of this contest of words? Men's And the laborers of our country must work as cheaply as this miserable, slaving population! What is the operation of this Government upon the South? Sir, of the imports received chiefly in return for their exports, the Government takes almost one-half; and where expends it? Elsewhere. It is certain that not two millions of dollars of the twenty-four ever revisit the section which bears the chief burden of taxation. Nor is this all. To make the inequality still more glaring, bounties, also, are to be levied upon our industry, to pamper other sections of the country. Our means of consumption are thus diminished; and, to sustain ourselves under this unnatural pressure, we have been compelled to press our productions beyond the means of consumption. Are I will now, sir, take another view of the subject, illus- professions may deceive you-let their actions answer; trative of the position, that the tax laid upon the amount of these speak most intelligibly. Who bear the burdens' imports purchased by our exports is chiefly borne by the Who pay the taxes? The gentleman from Massachusetts southern producer. That we may understand the princi- said truly that labor was the basis of property. The Gople clearly, let us remove the intermediate machinery. verminent derives, annually, twenty-four millions of dollars The cotton, tobacco, and rice, and other southern exports, of taxes from the labor of the country; from labor it must are the produce of our labor; they are worth about thirty-come, ex nihilo nihil fit. And although I have heard thats seven millions of dollars; we take them to the manufactu- duty was no tax, I cannot reply to such an assertion. I rer, and, as the Government requires fifty per cent. upon cannot strike a shadow; I cannot argue against a palpable the goods which we shall bring with us, we sell one-half absurdity. Upon the labor of this country there lies a burof our produce for money, the other half we exchange den of twenty-four millions of dollars. Who bear this for goods. Upon our return, we pay the duty at the custom- burden? Who pay these taxes? Do the North pay? Sir, house, and we seek to reimburse ourselves, by adding the they pray for an increase; they beseech you, as you value duty to the goods which we have imported. This enables their existence as a nation, never to remove them. the northern manufacturer to sell his goods at a profitable taxes, then, a blessing to be prayed for? Is industry there advance; and thus the section of country in which he re- so elastic, that burdens must be applied to regulate its sides receives a bounty. But it is alleged that the con- buoyancy? Must every extravagant scheme be fostered, to sumers of the North pay the duty upon the goods which induce a necessity for taxation? And do you feel it as an they consume. This is true; but by whose means? Why, evil? the very fifty per cent. which the southern producer has We do not claim for ourselves greater wisdom, and paid at the custom-house, is transferred to the North in the certainly not greater prudence, than the representatives shape of disbursements, and they are thus enabled to re- of the North; yet how has it happened that taxation and imburse themselves for the advance which they made as prodigal expenditure find favor and support in the North, consumers. In what proportions these advantages are dis-and are opposed by the South? Is it that the people whom tributed among the people of the North, I do not inquire. they represent are less sensitive to taxation, less jealous of I believe that the distribution is most unequal, and that the application of their money, than ours? No, sir: two monopoly there also holds labor in thraldom, and oppresses winters since, the Legislature of Massachusetts refused to whilst it deludes the poor. But it is argued that the pro- lay a tax for the payment of a debt due by that commenducer, as producer, pays nothing--that the consumer alone wealth. Her funds were exhausted, her contracts were pays the tax, and that we do consume the amount of our not performed; yet the representatives refused to tax the exports. We will meet them upon this ground, also; we people. The last winter a railroad scheme was proposed believe that the cotton, tobacco, and rice, and other arti- to that Legislature, and a subscription was refused. cles of southern export, which we raise by the labor of application, I think, has been transferred here. New York our slaves, amounting, in value, to the sum of thirty-seven is now living upon her capital, refusing to tax her people. millions of dollars annually, is our property; we believe Pennsylvania continues to borrow money to pay the inte that, after deducting such portion of this amount as a just rest of her debt, refusing to tax her people. How is this, Government should require, the remainder we have the sir? Here we find the representatives of these very States undoubted right to apply to our proper use. It is true that anxious to keep up the taxes, and willing to engage in we have long known that we have not been permitted to wasteful schemes of expenditures. Whence this economy use our own property; we have felt that others were en- at home, and profusion here? Sir, the facts are too glaring joying the products of our labor. But that this should be to be denied the inferences too clear to be disguised. openly avowed, that we should be told, when we complain The system is a blessing to them, and the burdens of Goof oppression, that we do not consume our own property, vernment fall upon us. The and therefore should moderate our tone and be submissive, The gentleman from Massachusetts denies that we can sir, can this be tolerated? Do we not consume the amount consume the thirty-seven millions of dollars which we exof our exports? Who does? I demand. Is it not ours? port. Sir, the gentleman has not well examined his asserWho does consume it? It is that which our labor has tion. The population, to purchase whose supplies these earned-let those who have taken it from us show a higher exports are made, is three millions; the average consumptitle. Let us examine it, sir. The exports and imports tion would scarcely exceed thirteen dollars a head. Is of any country are equal in a series of years. Whatever, this a consumption of foreign articles by three millions therefore, a country exports, it will import, unless some so enormous as to exceed belief? The Island of Cuba, portion be intercepted by foreign or domestic interference. with a population of eight hundred thousand, imports The exports of the southern country are thirty-seven mil- fourteen millions of dollars annually, giving an average lions of dollars; if we had no connexion with the North, a consumption of foreign articles of more than seventeen duty of forty-five per cent. on imports would give sixteen dollars. MAY 5, 1830.] The Tariff. [H. of R. But it is said that we could not have sustained this renders entirely unnecessary any resort to the mysterious weight of taxation. Sir, we have not sustained it: we connexion which is said to exist between high taxes and have sunk under it. Whilst the value of our property has cheap goods. been greatly diminished, the profits of our labor have been alinost destroyed; not by that active competition which, whilst it lessens individual gain, enhances the sum of national prosperity, and adds to the strength and population of our country, but by a production borne down by taxation, compelling it to maintain a precarious and unequal strug gle with foreign industry by sacrifices and toil. And it is against a country thus oppressed, that new edicts are yearly promulgated, trammelling, limiting, exterminating that commerce upon which it depends for existence. But, sir, the whole argument has always appeared to me to be based upon a most unfounded assumption that the manufacturers of England would or could combine to sell their goods in America at a price above that which renders them a fair profit. Sir, gentlemen greatly underrate the effect of competition in England, and greatly overrate the importance of the American market to the English manufacturer, when they suffer themselves to be deluded by so idle a supposition. Great Britain exports near three hundred millions of manufactures. A combination among the A belt of country, extending from thirty-seven degrees producers of this amount of fabrics, is an apprehension too north to thirty-seven degrees south latitude, is capable of extravagant to affect a reasonable mind. And it seems producing the articles which we export to a foreign mar- scarcely less surprising that any one could gravely urge ket. In many portions of this section of the world, the that a market for twenty or thirty millions could regulate soil is more fertile, the climate more genial, and labor the price of manufactures to the amount of many hundreds cheaper, than in the southern part of this country: with the of millions; and upon this supposition only can the arguinhabitants of this extensive region we must compete. A ment be sustained. It is also evident that no permanent small island, not possessing any peculiar natural advan- and important difference of price can be maintained in the tages, with its labor subjected to an enormous pressure of American market, whilst our commerce is free with France taxation, is the dreaded competitor of the northern manu- and other European countries. facturer. I demand, sir, by what principle which you But it is said that the restrictive system has rendered yourselves can term equal, do you dare to throw in the goods cheaper in this country. Sir, the true question is, weight of your legislation, for the purpose of encumber- are they cheaper than we could procure them from abroad? ing one section of the country to strengthen the other. Sir, and not whether they are cheaper now than at a former Your Government appeals to the example of England to period. You dare not answer in the affirmative. Let our justify her in this course of legislation; let her follow out revenue, chiefly derived from a payment of a tax imposed the example, if she has determined to make the system of upon the very goods, of the superior cheapness of which, restrictions, which is daily yielding to science and experi- in this country, these men boast, answer. Let this infaence there, the model of her policy. If no more elevated mous bill of pains and penalties, which the chairman of the path to glory and prosperity can be discovered for a free Committee on Manufactures has from very shame abandonrepublic, than that dark and crooked road from which ed, answer. [Mr. MALLARY said that he was not ashamed knowledge is even now expelling the monarchies and aris- of the bill.] If your goods are cheaper than the foreign tocracies of Europe, let her at least take the good with the articles, the manufacturers cannot require such harsh and evil. Let her design be justice. England has most un-unjust laws for their protection. But, sir, are goods, as wisely and unjustly assumed the control of the whole labor we receive them in this country, either foreign or domesof her people; but she desired that they should experience tic, really cheaper than they were formerly? It is true, sir, equal favor. It is true that most pernicious inequalities that they cost less money; but have not all articles, the have been the result; but this is the inherent, vicious ten- unprotected as well as the protected, depreciated in equal dency of the system. The object which she designed to proportion? Can you obtain more of the necessaries or accomplish, was the equal protection of every class in the comforts of life for a pound of cotton or tobacco, than you community. When she gave to her manufactures the home could formerly? It is the exchangeable value which determarket, she gave bounties to the exports of her agriculture; mines the cheapness. I apprehend, sir, that, under our and now that her agriculture is permitted to enjoy without present system, and in this mode of estimating the value, competition the domestic market, she assists by bounties goods are not cheaper. the exportations of her manufactures; nor is there a burden to be borne, or an advantage to be enjoyed, which she intentionally distributes unequally on the labor of those who claim her protection. It is triumphantly urged that the revenue of the country has not been seriously affected by the tariff, and that the prophecies of those who have formerly opposed this policy have not been accomplished. Sir, when we estimate the Sir, how is it you boast you are a free State? Will the vast yearly addition which is made to the population of this name of freedom compensate for the want of justice? And country, the enormous increase of duties upon imports can you pretend, upon the common principles of natural which have been levied, and advert to the fact that the reequity, to justify yourselves for the gross partiality which venue has remained almost stationary, we cannot perceive your legislation manifests? You not only foster one portion that the advocates of high taxes have great cause for triof the community, and one section of the country, whilst umph or congratulation. Yet it is true that the diminution you leave the other without the pale of your protection, of the revenue has not been so rapid or so great as was but you trammel and render fruitless the unassisted exer- anticipated previously to the act of 1828. tions of the one, that the other may enjoy in security increased prosperity. Those who witnessed the oppressive operation of this Government upon that section of the country, from the There are some arguments urged by the gentleman from produce of the labor of which the revenue was chiefly Massachusetts, of a general character, of which, although derived, were well warranted in the belief which they enI cannot myself feel their force, yet, as they have been tertained and expressed, that additional burdens would frequently repeated, I shall briefly notice them. The drive them from their employment; and that, with the gentleman urges that the competition of this country di- decrease of exports, the revenue derived from imports minishes the price of goods. The admission of that gen- would be greatly curtailed. What has been the effect? tleman in another part of the argument furnishes a suffi-Sir, it is true that the planter still clings to the soil and the cient answer to this argument. He told us that the British employment to which the strong ties of local affection and laborer worked for his daily bread; that starvation reduced custom bind him; but the value of his property is merely the price of his labor to the least sum sufficient for the nominal. Those who were pressed by debts have been support of life. Here, sir, is a very sufficient reason to ruined, and those who were ever distinguished for geneaccount for the depressed price of English goods, and rous hospitality, are now struggling, and vainly struggling, H. of R.] Commerce and Imposts.-District Affairs.-The Tariff. [MAY 6, 7, 1830. by privation and ceaseless labor, to keep their foot upon spair of the republic. The encroachments of power have their natal soil. The blow has fallen upon our lands; and been rapid and alarming; its strongholds are deeply fixed, it has fallen heavily. Lower they cannot go; we must de-and fiercely defended. The struggle may be arduous, but sert them. To us, at least, it affords no consolation to it ends in victory. know that the revenue has not decreased; for we feel that it has been sustained by remorseless oppression, wringing from us the hard earnings of our industry. Had history preserved in her records no memorial of that Roman Senate whose firmness subdued the world, but this simple sentence, "They returned thanks to their vanquished general, because he did not despair of the republic," their fame were immortal. We will not then despair of the republic. The gallant vessel rocks until her bulwarks are in the brine; throw not the ballast overboard, she will right again. But, sir, the gentleman from Massachusetts says that we arrogate to ourselves the markets of this country. Ah, sir, this is the true statement of the case: this is a bold avowal of these principles which we charge upon you: we arrogate to ourselves the market of this country, and against this arrogance the tariff laws are directed. How But, sir, it is not here that I hope to find a remedy; arrogate? Do we claim special privileges? Do we clamor whilst I speak, your decision is already pronounced. I for laws to aid our industry? No, sir; we ask only the free appeal, in the name of the people whom I represent, from exercise of our industry; and you answer, that this would your tribunal. Not to your federal judiciary, created by enable us to possess the market of our common country, your power, dependent upon your will; but to the State and, therefore, you will not permit it. Sir, we have long of which we are members, in her capacity of sovereign, felt that we were aliens: your legislation has deeply convinc- we take our appeal. That true allegiance, which, as cied us that you so regarded us; but it is for the first time tizens, we owe to her, has been maintained inviolate. To openly avowed here, that we have been denied, and will her laws we have yielded a faithful obedience, and we be denied, the right of a citizen to contend for the market now demand from her the exercise of the great relative of his own country. Yes, sir, if restriction were remov-duty of protection. ed, the planter would enjoy the domestic market; laws Mr. GORHAM, of Massachusetts, succeeded, and occumust be passed for his exclusion, and those who pass these pied the committee a short time in a practical examination laws call him countryman and fellow-citizen! The whole scheme is now laid bare; it is to prevent the profits of one section of the country from exceeding the profits of the other: and the American system stands, stripped of disguise, the old agrarian law, vamped up with a new title. Fanny Wright and her doctrines have their advocates upon this floor; and a distribution of goods is the consummation of this splendid project! It is well, sir, that we now understand each other. The gentleman has introduced slavery into his speech. This is not the occasion upon which I will enter into a dis cussion upon that subject; the time will, I doubt not, soon come, when 1 shall claim to be heard. of the provisions of the bill, and in support of regulations for enforcing the tariff laws; which, although he was opposed to their passage, and to the system which they introduced, he would employ all proper means to enforce while they continued the law of the land. He then spoke at large on the history and effects of the tariff laws, and against the repeal as proposed by the amendment of Mr. MCDUFFIE. Mr. G. concluded at four o'clock, when Mr. YOUNG moved that the committee rise; which motion prevailed. THURSDAY, MAY 6, 1830. The House resumed the consideration of the bill con mittee on Commerce. If the gentleman desires to reconcile a majority of the people of this country to an unjust oppression of the minority, by exciting fanatical prejudices against them, and cerning the navigation and imposts, reported by the Comsucceeds in his object, this Government is at an end. That you oppress us because you love yourselves too well, is not tolerable; but that you oppress, because you hate or depise us!-Sir, I will not speak of it. Mr. WAYNE continued his remarks in favor of the bill, and embracing general views against the protecting system. He had not concluded, when the expiration of the hour arrested the debate. But, sir, the gentleman will not succeed; the same game has been played before. "The slaves of French slaves, DISTRICT AFFAIRS. themselves the drivers of slaves," has been once the The House took up the bill providing for the punishwatchword, but it met with a signal failure then, and willment of crimes within the District of Columbia. The ques- 31 signally fail now. Sir, had we delivered ourselves into your power, as mere dependents upon your will; had we entrusted to your control the entire disposal of our destinies, perseverance in a system of such manifest injustice and such destructive oppression must have forced us to discard a pretended Government, which "covers to devour us." But we have not left ourselves thus defenceless; we rest upon that sacred and only bond of union--the constitution. We are animated by a high consciousness that we contend not in a selfish cause, involving merely pecuniary interests, but in the common cause of our common country. Knowing that the preservation of liberty, identified as it is in the preservation of the constitution, depends upon our exertions, we cannot suffer false fears or false hopes to endanger the issue. And we shall triumph! It is the good old cause: and wherever there is intelligence to estimate its value, and boldness to defend it at all hazards, it cannot go down. The sympathies of the enlightened, the generous, the bold, and the free, are with us. History, in every page, which warms the heart of those who love liberty, is with us: we cannot fail. Let those who love and honor the constitution not de tion being on its third reading, Mr. ALEXANDER moved that the bill be laid on the table. Mr. TAYLOR demanded the yeas and nays on this question; but the House refused to order them; and The question to lay the bill on the table prevailed-m 70 to 57. MAY 7, 1830.] The Tarif [H. of R. his sentiments here, to the simple expression of aye or no. [sion of sentiment, so wide, so extreme a difference of Respect for the wisdom of the committee collectively, opinion? A subject, as all agree, so intimately connected and the weight of character and full experience of many with the value of all we possess, affecting alike the city of its members, still inclined him to that course. But, [said and the country, the producer, vender, and consumer, Mr. Y.] believing that the policy now struggling between entering into the composition of whatever we eat, and this bill and its amendment seriously concerns an interest drink, and wear, and even that of our dwellings, and which has become important to the State I have the ho-bearing, in its effects, on all our great, continual, and inHor in part to represent, and of which interest, from my stant interests, and as extended, minute, and diversified as local situation with regard to no inconsiderable proportion the whole restless struggle and bustle for money, riches, f it, it might not be expected I should be uninindful and power. fore; and believing, as I do, that a healthy, active, and vi- Will it not be strange, sir, if, amidst all this, we can find gorous state of society in general-the permanent growth, no one fact, no data, no fair view of cause and effect, by prosperity, and general welfare of our entire country de- which we may satisfy ourselves, or demonstrate to others, pend intimately, and to a very great extent, on that sys-where the plain truth lies in this all-important question? tem of measures now so directly and indirectly, and furi. In the varied and complicated operations of nature around ously attacked, I trust the expression of my sentiments, at us, which we can but partially approach or control, we this time, somewhat more at large, will not be considered have long since learned to seck out the cause from the efas exceeding the duties of my place, or inconsistent with fect, and, by observing and noting the naked facts, have the deference I owe here. thence deduced the governing principle; and whatever confusion, variety, or extent, the view may put on, we can trace the moving cause. When all the elements of the air are in commotion and at war in the storm, it is but the operation of a mute and simple principle, and all is calm again. We have learned to dissipate the thunder, and even to divert and ward off its bolts." I am not, sir, insensible of the time in which I enter this debate, both in regard to the late hour in the session, and the progress of the discussion--that the prominent views and strong points in this subject have already been traced by master hands-that an extraordinary strug le of eloquence and energy of intellect have formed a kind of crisis of interest and feeling, from which the mind, with the most sincere devotion to the cause, must be waning, and more idly bent" on what may follow. 66 But amidst this mental excitement, amidst this storm of complaint and thunder of eloquence, we have yet found no sufficient philosopher, no one admitted fact, no defined I shall, therefore, as far as may be, avoid the track of result, no acknowledged principle, to which we will refer, those who have gone before me, and, not affecting to fill to solve the doubts and difficulties which surround us. out a complete system for myself, attempt to re-establish, But, instead of looking at the naked facts, a new era of from primary considerations, those general principles of argument, and theory, and representation, seems to have action and operations which have been so fully and so ensued; and amidst all the blessings which distinguish our forcibly presented; but endeavor to illustrate them from country, our constitution and laws are represented as descther facts, and exhibit them from other points of obser-potism itself, the government of majorities as a refinement vation, that we may the more distinctly perceive their ex-to tyranny, and all our fostering and protecting policy as istence and actual operation upon us. spreading ruin, disaster, and desolation over the fairest The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. DA-fields of our country and our kindred, more doleful and VIS who first addressed the committee in opposition to sombre than has settled on the ill-fated plains of Nineveh the present amendment, exhibited to us the necessary ef- or Babylon. fect of the accumulation of labor and capital on manufac- And are we, sir, in this country, at this day, to legislate tures, and of the consequent abundance of production, in on these premises? Is our favorite system indeed a warbearing down, with extending and general pressure, the lock-spell, to haunt the land? Or has "God, for some price of the manufactured articles of all nations and coun- strong purpose, steeled the hearts of men on this strange tres, as far as exchange and mutual intercourse exist--subject? When wildness, from any cause, seizes the imapresenting, also, our own manufactures as contributing gination, or one has lost his way, and all objects around their share in this operation. My object will be to show a seem to have changed their appearance and position, if he further effect, and the particular operation of our manu- can but spy some hill, or tree, or stump, which he can refactures within our own country, and amongst ourselves.cognise, all, at once, comes right again; and this small obThe honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. CRAW-ject, in calculating for home, or certainty, or safety, is FORD] who next addressed the committee on the same side, worth all the world beside. I will not here decide which exhibited more particularly the favorable bearing of manu-side is right, or which is wrong; but that there somewhere factures on our agricultural pursuits and productions; and exists, on one side or the other, a sad mistake—an unacthe honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. Gon-countable state of opinion and feeling on the subject, both who immediately preceded me, illustrated his views in principle and extent, none who have witnessed this deen the subject more particularly, from facts appearing in bate can doubt. our foreign intercourse and mercantile transactions. My In this state of mind, we may theorize forever, calcubject will be to examine the more direct effects, proceed-late back the duties on imports to the exporter, the promore immediately from manufacturing operations them-ducer, or his fathers; we may talk at large of revenue, selves. And all who have preceded me, on either side of and resources, and balance of trade; look abroad on agrithe question, have, for the most part, drawn their conclu- culture, and commerce, and manufactures, as we feel, but ons from general views. My object will be to select some we must come down to the simple and primitive operafew specific, palpable facts and results, exemplifying the tions of the plough and the hammer, the spindle and the governing principles, that we may view them simply, oar, to rest and start our sure calculation upon. Resting singly, and distinctly-not relying on their tendency upon, and supported by these primarily, sir, and not on merely, but the degree and extent of the effect, that we the millions borrowed, as suggested by the honorable genmay, if we please, without any intricate or aggregate cal-tleman, [Mr. McDUFFIE] was England enabled to sustain calations, count, weigh, and measure them for ourselves. herself through the mightiest struggle of modern days, And are there, sir, no such facts to be found? Has expe- and not sustain herself merely, but rise above the storm, ence yet left no criterion amidst all the commended and and say, with the complacency of Juno to the gods, "indeprecated operations of this all-embracing tariff system? cedo," I march with majesty amidst the nations of the Is it not strange, sir, that, on this subject, there should so earth. And what now makes her look so thoughtful, so long be found to remain so much doubt-so much confu-hungry, and so surly towards us? VOL. VI.--113 H. of R.] The Tariff. MAY 7, 1830. Nothing so much, sir, as the spindle and loom of Ameri- And I have selected a given quantity, that we may avoid ca, the little spinner and weaver of America, alluded to aggregate estimates; and, by calculating accurately the in a former debate. Give her the control of these, sir, effect of a definite part, see, distinctly, by the relation, but a few years--give her your market-pass but this bill, the effect of the whole. And I will suppose it manufacwith its amendment, and you will soon see John Bull full tured in New England, as she draws the supplies for her fed, and something hale again; and, as he passes by, will, laborers mostly from abroad, and the operation on those with increased complacency, and affected solicitude for States which supply themselves is less distinctly seen. our welfare, inquire, in his turn, what makes brother Jona- I take, for instance, one square yard of common cotton than so rugged and so sober, so as if he had lost a friend. cloth, at the price it bears, viz. from eight to nine cents; I agree, sir, with the gentleman, that money, circulat-say nine cents, for the convenience of propositions. Four ing medium, is an immense power in all these affairs; but cents of this, or four-ninths of the whole price, is made without the action of these little springs to keep it in mo-up of stock, or the cotton in its raw state. The cottontion, it is a poor, dead, inert mass. What is money to growing States cannot complain of this part of the price, Spain or Portugal? Like the food that nourisheth not. What as it is their own produce at the market price, not dimin would it be if they had but the little spindles, and looms, ished by rivalry of a growing market, now nearly for oneand hammers of America? Sir, they would be other na-quarter of their whole produce. Nor can other parts of tions, at once, in the world, and we, without them, should the country complain, as they receive it, including less be poor and sluggish; and far behind our native selves, as freight than they could from any other country that can they are now. manufacture for us. Four cents more of the price, or And, sir, but adopt this amendment, (or its cousin-ger. four-fifths of the remaining part, is made up of labor, man, that figures in the morning hour,) and we shall have a which is the same as to say that this part is made up of the Methuen treaty, and all the degrading consequences that necessaries of life: for even on this subject both sides followed on Portugal will flow upon us. agree, as a general rule, that the labor in production is a And how is it But permit me here, sir, before I proceed to the parti-fair measure of the consumption that enters into it. And culars as suggested, to mention the great principles which how, sir, is this part made up? Of the produce of every I consider as governing the protecting system in all its part of the Union. The rice, corn, and tobacco of the parts, and in all countries. It is, that the encouragement South, and the sugar and molasses from farther south; the and augmentation of manufactures necessarily tend to flour pork, lard, and grain from the middle and western withdraw and withhold labor and capital from agricultural States; the fur and skins from farther west; drawn, in pursuits, and to accumulate and retain labor and capital in short, with mixed and varied proportions, from every part manufacturing pursuits; thereby producing the double of our country, and every class of producers, leaving but a effect, on the one hand, of raising the price of agricultural minor part to be supplied by the local markets. Can products, by diminishing the number of producers, and any part of the Union complain of this portion of the enlarging the number of consumers; and, on the other price? It is their own produce, at their own price. Is it hand, of reducing the price of manufactured articles, by the interest of the country to subtract any thing from this increasing the competition and increasing the production; part of the price, or compose it of other materials, or the each effect being in favor of the agriculturist and con- products of other countries? Can we, so far as we have sumer; and must, therefore, be the true policy of all na- yet proceeded, destroy any part of that manufacture, with tions where the danger of a scarcity or extravagance of out, at the same time, and to the same extent, destroying price of provisions, or other agricultural productions, does the market and the consumption of our agricultural pronot make it necessary to establish directly the opposite ducts? Or can any part of the price be reduced, but by policy. This cannot be necessary in this country, above reducing the price of the agricultural products which comall others. pose it? Eight-ninths, therefore, is not the manufac Yet, sir, the objection brought against this system here, turer's price, but the agriculturist's prices: it is his prois directly the opposite to this position, viz. that the ope- duction converted into it; and, when consumed or exportration of the protecting system increases the price of ed, it is virtually the consumption and exportation of his manufactures, and diminishes that of agriculture. The products. One cent of it, or one-ninth, remains to go protecting system may be supported on the supposition of against the capital and care of the owner. an increased price of the manufactured article, and a cor- with this? The capital is brought into operation by labor, responding increased price of the agricultural article in erecting his buildings, his dams, his flumes, his magiven in exchange. In this case the whole operation of chinery, and tools; and all this is done and paid for by the the system would be for the benefit of the manufacturer, same kind of provisions and necessaries, drawn from every unless the farmer obtained a more uniform and permanent part of the country, including here the iron and coal of market thereby; but if a more extensive market for the Pennsylvania, the lumber of Maine, and the oil of our farmer, and an increase of price above that range, ensue, South Sea whale men, and some few materials from all the benefit accrues to both parties. But when competi- other parts of the world, which we have not yet, but may tion, perfection, and abundance shall reduce the price of soon supply ourselves with from our own native resources. manufactures, it produces a double benefit to the con- And as to that share which goes for the care of the owner, sumer, and leaves but a sustaining profit for the manufac- which is not an envious portion at this time, not exceed turer. This will ever be the tendency of the system until ing or equalling what belongs to every other business in it reaches that point, and will not react on the agricultural the country, even the raising of cotton, rice, and tobacco. interest, until manufacturing has fallen below all other And what is the condition of this small item, as the manu business, from the fact that permanent manufacturing facturer is situated? If he supplies his own family with capital cannot be converted or abandoned without an al- necessaries, if he extend is manufactory, he calls in and most total loss of it. I will now proceed to illustrate these uses the same round of materials and provisions: if he ideas by facts, showing the direct effects of manufactures build a house, or if he even is enabled to improve his adon our own country, and on the present course of business joining lands, the labor is principally paid for in the same. amongst us. The general effects produced by manufac-way. Thus the whole price is made up of, produced. tures of all kinds are much the same on the country at from, and sustained by, agriculture, and all one continual large. But I have selected an article from cotton manu- round of operation upon the other labor and capital of the facture, for the purpose of illustrating its bearing on the country. No part of the capital expended in establishing. cotton-growing States, and as exhibiting more fully than or operating manufactures in this country can be brought, most others the effects already produced by protection. into operation, till it has first been an agricultural opera-aj |