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appointementes to the best shewe with leaste chardge and most spede.

The Thirde meane, viz. to eaze or spare the greatest Disburcementes of money, which riseth by emption and provision of the costliest and most sumptiest parte of theis affaires, is that oute of the privye or speciall wardrops of her Maiesties seuerall houses, or the tower, or greate wardrop, of suche store as hath layen longe and decaied or now growen vnmete for the first purpose or to serve the present vse any longer, may be deliuered over to be ymploied to the beste and ferthest stretche of this turne (as was in Sir Thomas Cardens tyme, as well oute of the hole pece as in hanginges and garmentes and other sorte) but not any other thing which is not alredy there of olde store to come from thence by any new provision, but by the officers to be chosen most metest for fitnes to serve and eaze of chardge, and taken and bought at the first hande for redy money.

The fourth is that redy money may be vpon reasonable request deliuered for the chepest prouision of necessaries and other Emptions, in suche tyme as they may be best had by the officers appointement of them which can best skill of it; And preparacion to be made of that is known mete to be put in a redynes to be before hande better done by them which are most meete and for more reasonable hier in hope of present payment, then can be had or done vpon the soden (which asketh doble waiges for watche and hynderaunce of their advauntaige in tyme of worke and gayne, and greater price for seking when and where is scante and no choise nor certeyntie of payment but feare of longe forbering their money) which shall never be well done by any straunger to the office, nor with oute redy money.

And this advice taking place, I dare take vpon me that her Maiestie shall haue more done and bettre by a thirde parte for lesse chardge by a thirde parte then hetherto I have knowen, and will yelde a iust and trewe accompte both of stuffe and money, If it please her highnes to bestowe the Mastership of the office vpon me (as I trust myne experience by acquayntaunce with those thaffaires and contynuall dealing therein by the space of xxvij or xxviij yeres deserveth, being also the auncient of the office by at the leaste xxiiij of those yeres; otherwise I wolde be lothe hereafter to deale nor medle with it nor in it further then apperteyneth to the clerke, whose allowaunce is so small as I gyve it holy to be discharged of

the toyle and attendaunce). I haue hetherto withoute recompence to my greate chardge and hynderaunce borne the burden of the Master, and taken the care and paynes of that, others haue had the thankes and rewarde for, which I trust her Maiestie will not put me to withoute the fee, alowaunce, and estimacion longing to it, nor if her highnes vouchesafe not to bestowe it vpon me to let me passe withoute recompence for that is done and paste.

If the Fee and allowaunce be thought to muche, then let what her Maiestie and Honerable counsaile shall thinke mete for any man that shall supplie that burden and place to haue towardes his chardges be appointed of certeyntie, and I will take that, and serve for as litle as any man that meanes to Deale truly, so I be not to greate a loser by it.

The Costes of any thing to be done oute of this office can not be aymed at any neare estymate withoute fore knowledge what is required and loked for, as howe many maskes and whether riche or slite, what plaies, banketing houses, and other shewes of pastyme, and those whether statelie or meane, may suffice to be ordinarelie appointed for her highnes recreacion, which growing to some certeyn pitche the chardge may be roved at. Or her highnes resolving vpon some certeyn yerelie some of money, which she will not passe, the Master and officers may frame to stretche the same to her highnes most honour and liking, and yet finding her contentacion served with lesse then that is appointed deale accordinglie and be aunswerable the remayn vpon accompte.

The third Memorandum is far more brief and less comprehensive than either of the other two.1

Memorandum C.

A note of sarten thinges which are very nedefull to be Redressed in the offys of the Revelles.

1. Fyrste the Romes or Loginges, where the garments and other thinges, as hedpeces and suche lyke, dothe lye, Is in suche decaye for want of reparacions, that it hath by that meanes perished A very greate longe wall, which parte thereof is falne doune and hath broke undoune A greate presse, which stoode all Alongest the same, by which meanes I ame fayne to laye the garmentes vppon the grounde, to the greate hurt of the same, so as if youre honoure ded se the same it woolde petye you to see suche stoffe so yll bestowed.

1 Lansd. MS. 83, f. 149.

2. Next there is no convenyent Romes for the Artifycers to wourke in, but that Taylours, Paynters, Proparatiue makers, and Carpenders are all fayne to wourke in one rome, which is A very greate hinderaunce one to Another, which thinge nedes not for theye are slacke anowe of them selves.

3. More, there ys two whole yeares charges be hinde vn payde, to the greate hinderaunce of the poore Artyfycers that wourke there. In so mvche that there be A greate parte of them that haue byn dryven to sell there billes or debentars for halfe that is dewe vnto them by the same.

4. More, yt hath broughte the offyce in suche dyscredet with those that dyd delyver wares into the offyce, that theye will delyuer yt in for A thirde parte more then it is woorthe, or ellce we can get no credet of them for the same, which thinge is A very greate hinderaunce to the Queenes maiestie and A greate discredet to those that be offecers in that place, which thinge for my parte I Ame very sory to see'.

This is endorsed,

'For the Reuels. Matters to be redressed there.'

Memorandum A bears its date upon the face of it, in the draft Articles and Ordinances, drawn with a view to their being executed on some uncertain day in 15 Elizabeth, that is to say, between Nov. 17, 1572, and Nov. 16, 1573. It is much the most valuable of the three memoranda, as it gives a very capable summary of the whole situation, and its proposals are informed by a good deal of sound administrative sense. I think that the writer, who only knows of Cawarden's Mastership by report, is Edward Buggin. The attitude seems to me rather that of one who has personal knowledge of the working of the Revels and of the difficulties of its officers, than that of an investigator from outside, such as John Fortescue, from whom Burghley might naturally enough have asked for a report. Memorandum B is quite clearly by Blagrave, for the writer speaks of his allowance as Clerk. There are certain correspondences between recommendations made in A and in B, which suggest that the writers either conferred together, or made common use of the older 'platteforme of certen ordynaunces' specifically mentioned in A. Memo

E

randum C is equally clearly by the Yeoman, who was the officer in personal custody of the Revels garments. It is only by conjecture that I assign the two latter documents, as well as A, to 1573. But it would be an obvious course for Burghley, if he made an inquiry into the organization of the Office, to ask each of those who held places in it by patent to give at the same time an independent expression of his views. Moreover, the allusions in C to the want of presses and to the two years' arrear of payment correspond well enough to the facts disclosed by the Account of 1572-3 and the complaints by creditors in the spring of 1574. If I am right as to the date, the writer will be John Arnold. Blagrave's memorandum may also be not unreasonably dated in 1573, if it is assumed that the twenty-seven or twenty-eight years' acquaintance with the affairs of the Office which he claims includes his years of unestablished service both before and after his informal appointment to perform Philipps's duties about 1550. It must be later than Holt's death in 1571, as of course Blagrave could never have claimed twenty-four years' seniority over Holt, who became Yeoman in 1546 or 1547; and it cannot be later than the end of 1574, as the claim of twenty-four years' seniority to Buggin implies that the two had only been colleagues for four years at most, and we know that Buggin became Comptroller on December 30, 1570.

The documents are proposals for reform rather than statements of existing practice; but proposals for reform made by permanent officials are not generally very sweeping, and I think it may be taken that we get a pretty fair notion of the actual working of a Government department in the sixteenth century, not without certain hints of jealousies and disputes between the various officers as to their respective functions and privileges, which in those days as in these occasionally tended to interfere with the smooth working of the machine. The determination of these functions and privileges by regulation; the keeping of regular books, inventories, journals, and ledgers; the institution of a system of finance which would avoid the necessity of employing credit; the prohibition

of the hiring-out of Revels stuff; these are amongst the improvements in organization which suggested themselves to practical men. Blagrave asks that the hands of the officers might be strengthened by a commission; that is, apparently, a warrant entitling them to enforce service on behalf of the Crown, such as the Master of the Children of the Chapel had to 'take up' singing-boys, and other departments of the Household, including probably the Tents, had for the purveyance of provisions and cartage. Probably the Revels had already enjoyed this authority upon special occasions. The Account for the banqueting house of 1572 includes an item for 'flowers of all sortes taken up by comyssion and gathered in the feeldes'.1

At the bottom of the documents there is a feeling that the weak point in the organization is the Mastership. The Master had to be a courtier, dancing attendance on the Queen and the Lord Chamberlain, and was likely to have the qualities and failings of a courtier; and then he came to the office, and gave instructions to people who knew their own business much better than he did. Buggin's remedy is the appointment, as in the days before Cawarden, of a Serjeant of the Revels, a sort of Gibson, of inferior social status to the Master, to whom the detailed oversight of the Office might be delegated. Blagrave's remedy is his own nomination to be Master. Buggin's plan was, one fancies, extremely sensible, but it would have meant another place and another fee, and it was not adopted. Blagrave's ambitions were not wholly gratified. He was allowed to act as Master for some years, but he never received a patent, and after Benger's death he had the mortification of seeing the post given to another, while he was left to content himself with his much despised Clerkship. His regency lasted from November, 1573, until Christmas, 1579, and his signature stands alone or heads those of the other officers upon the Accounts relating to that period, with the exception of the last, on which the name of the incoming Master appears.2

1 Cunningham, 27.

2 A Declared Account for Feb. 14, 1578, to Feb. 14, 1579, is in Blagrave's

name.

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