of the mind could be freely exercised, even those again became as ardently attached to the Union as any other portion of our people, and since the close of the war have sought, by every means within their power, to bring together and bind more closely the whole people of this Union in the bonds of a fraternal brotherhood of States.

Washington warned his countrymen against sectionalism. He cautioned them that designing men, as they ever have, would endeavor to excite a belief that there was a real difference of local interests and views. He said one of the expedients of partyisms would be to acquire influence in one particular section by misrepresenting the opinions and aims of another section, and that they could not shield themselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings aroused by these misrepresentations, tending to alienate the sections from each other instead of binding them more closely together with fraternal regard and affection, bringing about the opposite result. It is because we have seen the Democratic party endeavoring by every possible means in its power to inculcate these same great truths, while its opponents have conducted themselves toward one section precisely in the way and manner suggested by Washington men would, that they are forced to be Democrats when true to their convictions of right.

He cautioned his countrymen against heaping

up public debts for posterity to pay, thus ungenerously throwing upon them burdens which we ourselves should pay. This whole business of bonded indebtedness is undemocratic and ought not to be indulged in if by any means it can be avoided. It is true that men calling themselves Democrats have been led astray by the plausible arguments of those who regarded "public debts as public blessings," still the Democratic party, as such, has ever denounced the practice, and because they have always coincided with him in this particular they are Democrats.

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, he conjured his fellow-citizens, their jealousy ought to be constantly awake. Numerous opportunities would be offered, he said, to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence public councils.

No attachment, therefore, for one nation to the exclusion of another should be tolerated.

Such conduct would lead to concessions to one nation and denials of privileges to others, and would invite a multitude of evils upon us.

It is because this has been a fundamental principle of the Democratic party, who most heartily believe in the doctrine, hence they are Democrats.

Washington also advised his countrymen to resist with care the spirit of innovation upon the principles on which the Government was founded,

however specious the pretext might be. One method of assault would be, he said, to effect under the forms of the Constitution alterations which would impair the whole system. It is because the Democratic party, impressed by the truth of these teachings of Washington, has opposed the numerous amendments constantly being proposed that they are Democrats, believing that in this they adhere more strictly to the teachings of Washington than any other party.

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CHAPTER II.

THE PRINCIPLES OF JEFFERSON.

LTHOUGH in his time not called "a Democrat," yet the leader of what was then known as the Republican party, contending against the Federal or strong government party, Thomas Jefferson was perhaps one of the best expounders of those principles now held by the Democratic party among all of those Revolutionary sages.

In his writings and official messages as President we find the most frequent allusions to and rigid application of them in the administration of public affairs, so that he has been called “the father of the Democratic party." It was pecu

liarly appropriate that he should do so, because, though early in the history of our Government yet, anti-democratic principles were already slowly creeping into the administration of public affairs under the Administration of the elder Adams, so that it required vigorous opposition and determined application to bring the Government back once more to be administered in accordance with those pure principles of a representative democratic government.

In his inaugural address, delivered to Congress on March 4th, 1801, the commencement as well of a new century as of a new era in our government, President Jefferson announced the following fundamental doctrines of democracy, which, he said, he deemed essential principles of our Government, which should guide him in its administration. He compressed them within the smallest possible compass, stating only the general principles, but not all their limitations:—

First. Equal and exact justice to all men of whatever State or persuasion, religious or political.

Second. Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations; entangling alliance with

none.

Third. The support of the State governments in all their rights as the most competent administrators of our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies.

Fourth. The preservation of the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad.

Fifth. A jealous care of the right of election by the people, a mild and safe corrective of abuses, which are lopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable means are unprovided.

Sixth. Absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principles of republics, from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism.

Seventh. A well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace, and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them.

Eighth. The supremacy of the civil over the military authority.

Ninth. Economy in the public expenses, that labor many be lightly burdened.

Tenth. The honest payment of our debts and the sacred preservation of the public faith.

Eleventh. Encouragement of agriculture and of commerce as its handmaid.

Twelfth. The diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of public

reason.

Thirteenth. Freedom of religion.

Fourteenth. Freedom of the press.

Fifteenth. Freedom of the person under the protection of the habeas corpus.