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affairs Agadir Agadir crisis aggression Agreement Algeciras Anglo-Russian Entente army atrocities attack Austria Bagdad Railway become Belgian Belgium believe Britain British brutal Bryce Report cause civilised co-operation colonies conflict danger declared defeat defence Delcasse demand desire diplomatic diplomatists doubt economic Eduard Meyer enemy England England and France England and Russia English Entente Europe European fact fear feel fighting force Foreign Office foreign policy France France and Germany French German Government Germany Germany's guarantee hatred honour hope hostility human important instinct interests justified Kaiser labour less Liberal Lord Lansdowne mankind ment military Morocco nations naval Navy neutrality of Belgium party passions patriotism peace Persia Persian Government political possible Potsdam Agreement present prestige pride Professor Murray question realise reason regard Russia secure Shuster sian side Sir Edward Grey Spain Tabriz territory thought tion treaty Triple Entente victory wars wish
Page 140 - Sultan ceases to exercise authority over it, come within the sphere of influence of Spain, and that the administration of the coast, from Melilla as far as, but not including, the heights on the right bank of the Sebou, shall be entrusted to Spain. Nevertheless, Spain would previously have to give her formal assent to the provisions of Articles IV and VII of the Declaration of to-day's date, and undertake to carry them out.
Page 167 - But if a situation were to be forced upon us in which peace could only be preserved by the surrender of the great and beneficent position Britain has won by centuries of heroism and achievement, by allowing Britain to be treated, where her interests were vitally affected, as if she were of no account in the Cabinet of nations, then I say emphatically that peace at that price would be a humiliation intolerable for a great country like ours to endure.
Page 225 - Parties; and on the expiration of that time the independence and neutrality of Belgium will, so far as the High Contracting Parties are respectively concerned, continue to rest as heretofore on the 1st Article of the Quintuple Treaty of the 19th of April, 1839.
Page 217 - I reply that your Foreign Minister ought to be equal to the task of meeting this objection without committing England to war. The temporary use of a right of way is something different from a permanent and wrongful possession of territory...
Page 127 - ... it would be fatal to the honour and security of the United Kingdom to hesitate in supporting France and Russia...
Page 139 - Government, for their part, recognize that it appertains to France, more particularly as a power whose dominions are conterminous for a great distance with those of Morocco, to preserve order in that country, and to provide assistance for the purpose of all administrative, economic, financial, and military reforms which it may require.
Page 167 - But I am also bound to say this — that I believe it is essential in the highest interests, not merely of this country but of the world, that Britain should at all hazards maintain her place and her prestige amongst the Great Powers of the world.
Page 222 - ... even if the use of the right of way be, in a sense, wrongful, and the appropriation of the ground covered by the right of way. We trust that both Germany and France would refrain even from this minor trespass. But if they did not? If one or...
Page 167 - I would make great sacrifices to preserve peace. I conceive that nothing would justify a disturbance of international goodwill except questions of the gravest national moment. But if a situation were to be forced upon us in which peace could only be preserved by the surrender of the great and beneficent position Britain has won by centuries of heroism and achievement, by allowing Britain to be treated where her interests...
Justice in War-Time by Bertrand Russell at Questia Online Library
JSTOR: Justice in War Time
Justice in War-Time
Universal Digital Library
RESPONSES TO WAR 1996 GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY