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"des foldats, nous n'aurons plus que des "foldats, et nous ferons comme de Tar

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tares (a)."

But with respect to Britain, and every free nation, there is an objection still more formidable; which is, that a standing army is dangerous to liberty. It avails very little to be fecure against foreign enemies, fuppofing a standing army to afford fecurity, if we have no fecurity against an enemy at home. If a warlike king, heading his own troops, be ambitious to render himself abfolute, there are no means to evade the impending blow; for what avail the greatest number of effeminate

* " As soon as one state augments the number of "its troops, the neighbouring states of courfe do "the fame; fo that nothing is gained, and the ef"fect is, the general ruin. Every prince keeps as (6 many armies in pay, as if he dreaded the exter"mination of his people from a foreign invafion; "and this perpetual struggle, maintained by all a"gainst all, is termed peace. With the riches and 66 commerce of the whole universe, we are in a state "of poverty; and by thus continually augmenting our troops, we fhall foon have none else but fol"diers, and be reduced to the fame fituation as the "Tartars."

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(a) L'efprit des loix. liv. 13. chap. 17.

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cowards

cowards against a disciplined army, devoted to their prince, and ready implicitly to execute his commands? In a word, by relying entirely on a standing army, and by trusting the fword in the hands of men who abhor the restraints of civil law, a folid foundation is laid for military government. Thus a standing army is dangerous to liberty, and yet no sufficient bulwark against powerful neighbours.

Deeply fenfible of the foregoing objections, Harrington proposes a militia as a remedy. Every male between eighteen and thirty, is to be trained to military exercises, by frequent meetings, where the youth are excited by premiums to contend in running, wrestling, fhooting at a mark, &c. &c. But Harrington did not advert, that fuch meetings, enflaming the military fpirit, must create an averfion in the people to dull and fatiguing labour. His plan evidently is inconfiftent with industry and manufactures: it would be fo at least in Britain. An unexceptionable plan it would be, were defence our fole object; and not the lefs fo by reducing Britain to fuch poverty as scarce to be a tempting conqueft, Our late war with France is a confpicuous inftance

inftance of the power of a commercial state, entire in its credit; a power that amaz'd all the world, and ourselves no less than others. Politicians begin to confider Britain, and not France, to be the formidable power that threatens univerfal monarchy. Had Harrington's plan been adopted, Britain must have been reduced to a level with Sweden or Denmark, having no ambition but to draw fubfidies from its more potent neighbours.

In Switzerland, it is true, boys are, from the age of twelve, exercised in running, wrestling, and fhooting. Every male who can bear arms is regimented, and subjected to military discipline. Here is a militia in perfection upon Harrington's plan, a militia neither forc'd nor mercenary; invincible when fighting for their country. And as the Swiss are not an idle people, we learn from this instance, that the martial spirit is not an invincible obftruction to induftry. But the original barrennefs of Switzerland, compelled the inhabitants to be fober and industrious: and industry hath among them become a fecond nature; there scarcely being a child above fix years of age but who is employ'd,

not

not excepting children of opulent families. England differs widely in the nature of its foil, and of its people. But there is little occafion to infift upon that difference; as Switzerland affords no clear evidence, that a spirit of induftry is perfectly compatible with a militia: the Swifs, it is true, may be termed induftrious; but their industry is confined to neceffaries and conveniencies they are lefs, ambitious of wealth than of military. glory; and they have few arts or manufactures, either to fupport foreign commerce, or to excite luxury.

Fletcher of Salton's plan of a militia, differs little from that of Harrington. Three camps are to be conftantly kept up in England, and a fourth in Scotland ; into one or other of which, every man must enter upon completing his one and twentieth year. In these camps, the art of war is to be acquired and practised: those who can maintain themselves must continue there two years, others but a fingle year. Secondly, Those who have been thus educated, fhall for ever after have fifty yearly meetings, and fhall exercife four hours every meeting. It is not

faid, by what means young men are compelled to refort to the camp; nor is any exception mentioned of perfons deftin'd for the church, for liberal fciences, or for the fine arts. The weak and the fickly must be exempted; and yet no regulation is propofed against those who abfent themfelves on a falfe pretext. But waving these, the capital objection against Harrington's plan ftrikes equally against Fletcher's, That by rousing a military fpirit, it would alienate the minds of our people from arts and manufactures, and from constant and uniform occupation. The author himfelf remarks, that the use and exercise of arms, would make the youth place their honour upon that art, and would enflame them with love of military glory; not adverting, that love of military glory, diffused through the whole mafs of the people, would unqualify Britain for being a manufacturing and commercial country, rendering it of little weight or confideration in Europe.

The military branch is effential to every fpecies of government: The Quakers are the only people who ever doubted of it. Is it not then mortifying, that a capital branch

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