Black Student Politics, Higher Education and Apartheid: From SASO to SANSCO, 1968-1990
This book examines student politics in South Africa during the period 1968 to 1990, and specifically at two black higher education organizations: the South African National Students' Congress (SANSCO) and the South African Students' Organization (SASO), focusing on their ideological and political orientations, internal organizational structure, intellectual, political, and social determinants, and their contributions to the struggle against apartheid. The book's essential argument is that both were revolutionary national student political organizations that operated as organized social forces within the national liberation movement, that they functioned as catalysts of collective action, and contributed to the erosion of the apartheid social order. The book finds that black students were not just victims of apartheid but were also thinkers, conscious actors, and historical agents in the face of an authoritarian political order. Chapter 1, an introduction, examines the character, role, and significance of the two organizations. Chapters 2-5 examine SASO's role from 1960 to 1976-77; and chapters 6-10 examine SANSCO's activities from 1976-77 to 1990. Appended are the SASO policy manifesto and a SANSCO constitution and policy document. (Contains approximately 350 references.) (CH)
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academic action activists activities administrations African analysis apartheid approach argued attempt AZASO banning bantustans Black Consciousness black higher black students boycott branches called campaign campuses capitalism challenge character Charter collective action colleges coloured commitment considerable constituted continued contributed course cultural demands democratic domination Durban early economic effect emergency enrolments essentially established existence Finally formation groups higher education ideas ideological important initiatives institutions intellectuals internal involvement issues leaders leadership liberation mass meetings membership mobilisation Moreover movement NUSAS objective opposition oppression participation particular people's period petit bourgeoisie political position practice problem programme progressive projects protests questions racial radical relations repression result role SASO and SANSCO SASO's Second significance social society South Africa specific strategy structure struggle student organisations unions universities various women workers
Page 6 - Men make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past.
Page 91 - We have in our policy manifesto defined blacks as those who are by law or tradition politically, economically and socially discriminated against as a group in the South African society and identifying themselves as a unit in the struggle towards the realisation of their aspirations.
Page 377 - Whiteman must be made aware that one is either part of the solution or part of the problem, (c) That, in this context, because of the privileges accorded to them by legislation and because of their continual maintenance of an oppressive regime, Whites have defined themselves as part of the problem...
Page 32 - Latency does not mean inactivity. Rather, the potential for resistance or opposition is sewn into the very fabric of daily life.
Page 378 - Blackman must build up his own value systems, see himself as self-defined and not as defined by others. (iv) The concept of Black Consciousness implies the awareness by the Black people of the power they wield as a group, both economically and politically and hence group cohesion and solidarity are important facets of Black Consciousness. (v) BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS will always be enhanced by the totality of involvement of the oppressed people, hence the message of Black Consciousness has to be spread...
Page 378 - SASO believes that all groups allegedly working for "Integration" in South Africa . . . and here we note in particular the Progressive Party and other liberal institutions . . . are not working for the kind of integration that would be acceptable to the Black man. Their attempts are directed merely at relaxing certain oppressive legislations and to allow Blacks into a White-type...
Page 377 - That this attitude must not be interpreted by blacks to imply 'anti-whitism', but merely a more positive way of attaining a normal situation in South Africa; f) That in pursuit of this direction, therefore, personal contact with whites, though it should not be legislated against, must be discouraged, especially where it tends to militate against the beliefs we hold dear. 4. a) SASO upholds the concept of Black Consciousness and the drive towards black awareness as the most logical and significant...
Page 378 - Black people should join the open society, they should first close their ranks, to form themselves into a solid group to oppose the definite racism that is meted out by the White society, to work out their direction clearly and bargain from a position of strength.
Page 378 - The basic tenet of Black Consciousness is that the black man must reject all value systems that seek to make him a foreigner in the country of his birth and reduce his basic human dignity...
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