Q-adverbs as Selective Binders: The Quantificational Variability of Free Relatives and Definite DPs
This book deals with the interpretation of adverbially quantified sentences containing definite DPs and Free Relatives (FR) Thereby, it concentrates on the origins of Quantificational Variability Effects (QVEs), i.e. readings according to which the respective quantificational adverb seems to quantify over the individuals denoted by the respective DP/FR. QVEs are usually discussed only in connection with singular indefinites and bare plurals. This book therefore provides the first comprehensive account of QVEs with definite DPs and Free Relatives (while also discussing singular indefinites and bare plurals). Presenting new empirical observations and arguments for the assumption that Q-adverbs quantify over situations exclusively, it is also an important contribution to the theoretical debate concerning the quantificational domain of Q-adverbs.. It is of interest to linguists working in formal semantics and the syntax-semantics interface as well as to philosophers of language who are interested in adverbial quantification and situation semantics. Furthermore, it offers an introduction to the core issues of situation semantics and adverbial quantification and is therefore accessible to graduate students interested in these topics.
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Quantificational Variability Effects in Sentences with Free
Semantic Properties of FRs
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a t(s according adverbially quantified sentences analysis anaphora argument assume assumption atomic base position binding operator C-variable chapter characteristic function complex situation conference last summer constraint context contrastive topics covert de-accented definite determiner definite DP denotation discussion existential quantifier fact Fintel focus marked FRs and plural Furthermore given interval resolution strategy introduced Kratzer Krifka lectured on kangaroos located lower copy mapping algorithm Maria matrix verb maximal sum individuals meistens minimal situations NP-complement nuclear scope overtly piano player plausible plural definites presupposition associated pronouns QV-readings QVEs in sentences reading relative clause situations relative pronoun resolved respective DP respective Q-adverb respective relative clause restriction s a min(si satisfy the respective sentences with singular set of situations singleton set singular definites situation predicate situation semantics situations quantified situations/eventualities studied linguistics temporal traces tences tense marking tion topic semantic value unique universally quantified DPs wh-pronoun