Stephen A. Douglas: a Study in American Politics
Macmillan, 1908 - United States - 503 pages
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¹ Globe administration admit adopted already amendment American authority become believed bill called candidate carried cause Chicago committee compromise Cong Congress Constitution convention counties course Court debate decision defense delegates Democratic district doubt Douglas Douglas's election equal favor followed force friends gave give hand held History hold hope House Ibid Illinois institutions interests issue Judge Kansas land legislature less letter Lincoln majority matter measure ment Mexico mind Missouri nature never nomination North Northern opinion organization party passed political popular position possession President principle proposed protection question received Register replied Republican resolutions secure seemed Senate Sess slave slavery South Southern sovereignty speech Territories tion took Union United vote Washington Whig wish York young
Page 351 - A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved, I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push...
Page 485 - And bade me creep past. No ! let me taste the whole of it, fare like my peers The heroes of old, Bear the brunt, in a minute pay glad life's arrears Of pain, darkness and cold. For sudden the worst turns the best to the brave, The black minute's at end, And the elements...
Page 373 - I will say then that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races...
Page 277 - Measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void : it being the true intent and meaning of this act, not to legislate slavery into any territory or state, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the United States...
Page 461 - The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper...
Page 350 - We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. "A house divided against itself cannot stand.
Page 384 - That is the real issue. That is the issue that will continue in this country when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be silent. It is the eternal struggle between these two principles — right and wrong — throughout the world. They are the two principles that have stood face to face from the beginning of time; and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the common right of humanity and the other the divine right of kings.
Page 367 - In regard to the other question, of whether I am pledged to the admission of any more slave States into the Union, I state to you very frankly that I would be exceedingly sorry ever to be put in a position of having to pass upon that question.
Page 277 - The recent legislation of Congress respecting domestic slavery, derived as it has been from the original and pure fountain of legitimate political power, the will of the majority, promises ere long to allay the dangerous excitement. This legislation is founded upon principles as ancient as free government itself, and in accordance with them has simply declared that the people of a Territory, like those of a State, shall decide for themselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits.
Page 373 - I will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race.
References to this book
Lincoln, Douglas, and Slavery: In the Crucible of Public Debate
Limited preview - 1993
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Lincoln's Rise to Power
William Eldon Baringer
Snippet view - 1971