The Life of Thomas Jefferson, Third President of the United States: With Parts of His Correspondence Never Before Published, and Notices of His Opinions on Questions of Civil Government, National Policy, and Constitutional Law, Volume 2
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Adams Adams's administration adverts afterwards American answer appointed authority Bayard Berlin decree Britain British Burr character Chesapeake citizens claims Colonel commerce Congress considered constitution Constitution of Virginia correspondence course debt declared defence disposition dollars duties effect election embargo enemies England Europe executive favour fear federal party federalists feelings foreign former France French friends give honour House independence interest Jefferson judges justice legislature letter Louisiana Madison Massachusetts measures ment mind minister Mississippi Monroe Monticello nation navy negotiation neutral never North Carolina object obtained occasion opinion opposition orders in council Orleans paper passed peace political Poplar Forest present President principles purpose question Randolph received remarks repeal republican party resolution says sedition sedition laws seems Senate sentiments session ships soon Spain supposed taxes Thomas Jefferson Randolph tion treaty Union United vessels views Virginia vote whole wish
Page 75 - I have sworn upon the altar of God, eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man.
Page 431 - ... progress of the human mind. As that becomes more developed, more enlightened, as new discoveries are made, new truths disclosed, and manners and opinions change with the change of circumstances, institutions must advance also, and keep pace with the times. We might as well require a man to wear still the coat which fitted him when a boy, as civilized society to remain ever under the regimen of their barbarous ancestors.
Page 88 - Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things. And let us reflect that, having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions.
Page 88 - During the contest of opinion through which we have passed, the animation of discussions and of exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which might impose on strangers...
Page 513 - Our first and fundamental maxim should be, never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe. Our second — never to suffer Europe to intermeddle with cis- Atlantic affairs. America, North and South, has a set of interests distinct from those of Europe, and peculiarly her own. She should therefore have a system of her own, separate and apart from that of Europe. While the last is laboring to become the domicile of despotism, our endeavor should surely be, to make our hemisphere that of freedom.
Page 383 - Perhaps the strongest feature in his character was prudence, never acting until every circumstance, every consideration, was maturely weighed; refraining if he saw a doubt, but, when once decided, going through with his purpose, whatever obstacles opposed. His integrity was most pure, his justice the most inflexible I have ever known, no motives of interest or consanguinity, of friendship or hatred, being able to bias his decision.
Page 430 - Some men look at constitutions with sanctimonious reverence, and deem them like the ark of the covenant, too sacred to be touched. They ascribe to the men of the preceding age a wisdom more than human, and suppose what they did to be beyond amendment.
Page 89 - I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest government on earth. I believe it the only one where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern.
Page 105 - If a due participation of office is a matter of right, how are vacancies to be obtained ? Those by death are few ; by resignation, none. Can any other mode than that of removal be proposed ? This is a painful office ; but it is made my duty, and I meet it as such.
Page 158 - The Constitution has made no provision for our holding foreign territory, still less for incorporating foreign nations into our Union. The Executive, in seizing the fugitive occurrence which so much advances the good of their country, have done an act beyond the Constitution. The Legislature, in casting behind them metaphysical subtleties and risking themselves like faithful servants, must ratify and pay for it, and throw themselves on their country for doing for them unauthorized what we know they...