The Women's Movement in Latin America: Participation and Democracy
Jane S. Jaquette
Westview Press, 1994 - Social Science - 257 pages
Documenting and assessing the origins, evolution and goals of women's political groups in Latin America, this revised edition shows how they have adapted in the 1990s to the day-to-day realities of democratic politics, moving from the challenge of mobilizing opposition to the very different task of working with parties and government bureaucracies in order to maintain and implement their agendas. Using detailed case studies which illustrate its findings, it explores the variety of women's movements in the region and records their political successes and failures. The book aims to deepen the reader's understanding of recent political events in Latin America as well as expanding awareness of feminist and social issues.
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activists activities Afro-Brazilian agenda AMNLAE Argentina argued authoritarian autonomy Brazil campaign centers Chile Chilean Concertacion Congress Coordination created crisis demands democracy democratic Democratizing Brazil dictatorship discourse domestic economic El Agustino elections electoral emerged en's female femi feminism feminismo feminist groups feminist movement feminist organizations FSLN gender grassroots housewives human rights Ibid International labor Latin America leaders leadership Lima machismo Madres Maria ment Mexican Mexico City militant military rule mobilization mothers movement organizations Movements in Latin Mulher National neighborhood NGOs Nicaraguan women's nist opposition oppression organizational Partido Paulista percent Peru Plaza de Mayo PMDB political parties programs protest regime represented Revolution role Sandinista Santiago Sao Paulo sectors SERNAM sexual social movements society strategy struggle Studies tion traditional transition unions urban Uruguay woman women's groups women's issues women's movement women's organizations women's participation women's political participation women's rights workers working-class
Page 96 - I would like to thank the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada for financial support while this paper was being written, and David Townsend for support in general.
Page 57 - Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982); Aldon D.
Page 75 - feminine" and "feminist" women's movement organizations is commonly made by both movement participants and social scientists in Latin America. Paul Singer clarifies the usage of these concepts: "The struggles against carestia or for schools, day care centers, etc., as well as specific measures to protect women who work interest women closely and it is possible then to consider them feminine revindications. But they are not feminist to the extent that they do not question the way in which women are...
Page 219 - Women's Political Participation in Colonias Populares in Guadalajara, Mexico,
Page 113 - ... Mothers (Madres) this way: The Madres showed a capacity for innovation in the cultural dimension of doing politics. Their originality was evident in their development of new forms of mobilization, such as the walk (ronda) around the plaza; giving old symbols new meaning (eg, the white handkerchiefs); their capacity to resignify a public space (the plaza); and their capability to sustain a political agenda outside the realm of the political parties.
Page 10 - Rather, it is to use Chinese women— and the more remote they are from Western urban civilization, the better— for the production of the types of explanations that are intelligible (valuable) to feminism in the West, including, in particular, those types that extend pluralism to "woman" through "race
Page 70 - Given the particular circumstances of this reign of terror, it is not surprising that women, as the mothers, wives, sisters, daughters, and grandmothers of the victims of repression, were the first to mobilize in opposition to the dictatorship. Men were the victims of repression more often than women in part because women had tended to play what were considered marginal or secondary roles in the targeted organizations, principally political parties and trade unions.
Page 38 - CECF was granted the power to: "propose measures and activities which aim at the defense of the rights of women, the elimination of discrimination which affects women, and the full insertion of women into socio-economic, political and cultural life . . ."; it...
Page 47 - The capacity of the DDMs to fulfill many of their original objectives is necessarily limited by their problematic position within the police bureaucracy — problematic because the DDMs were created in resistance to the very male-dominated criminal justice system in which they themselves are located. In order to exist and proliferate, they must succeed at the basic police duties with which they are charged. Yet they must also, in a sense, fail, or otherwise pose a threat to the legitimacy of the...
Page 19 - The 1975 celebrations of International Women's Day were thus among the first public assemblies permitted since the mass mobilizations of 1967-1968. The Feminine Amnesty Movement was allowed to organize in the mid-1970s when a conventional movement of that sort might have been actively repressed. In short, the institutionalized separation between the public and private may, in an ironic historical twist, have helped to propel women to the forefront of the opposition in Brazil.
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