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Adams administration affairs American antislavery April army believed belligerent Bigelow blockade Britain British government Cabinet cause civil commerce commissioners Confederacy Confederate confidence Congress constitutional contraband convention cotton Crittenden compromise Dayton declaration of Paris declared Department despatch diplomatic Drouyn de Lhuys enemies England Europe European expected expressed fact favor federacy Federal force foreign France French friends Globe hostile instructions insurgents interests January Jefferson Davis John Bigelow letter Lincoln Lord Lyons Majesty's government March ment Mexico military Minister Napoleon nations neutral Nicolay and Hay North opinion party peace persons Pickens political ports President proclamation proposition question recognition regard replied Republicans Russell seceding secession secessionists Secretary seemed Senate sent sentiment Seward MSS Seward wrote ships slave slavery Slidell soon South southern speech Sumter thought Thouvenel tion Toombs treaty Trent affair troops Union United vessels Virginia Washington Weed Whig York
Page 187 - Neutral goods, with the exception of contraband of war, are not liable to capture under enemy's flag; 4. Blockades, in order to be binding, must be effective ; that is to say, maintained by a force sufficient really to prevent access to the coast of the enemy.
Page 407 - Constitution itself has been disregarded in every part, and public liberty and private right alike trodden down, and the material prosperity of the country essentially impaired, justice, humanity, liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate convention of the States or other peaceable means, to the end that at the earliest practicable moment peace may be restored on the basis of the federal Union of the States.
Page 339 - My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that.
Page 132 - CHANGE THE QUESTION BEFORE THE PUBLIC FROM ONE UPON SLAVERY, OR ABOUT SLAVERY, for a question upon UNION OR DISUNION : In other words, from what would be regarded as a party question, to one of patriotism or union.
Page 337 - ... the diplomatic and consular officers of the United States in foreign countries shall from time to time, through the Department of State, furnish the Department of Justice with...
Page 93 - The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.
Page 246 - It appears to me on principle to be but reasonable that when it is of sufficient importance to the enemy that such persons shall be sent out on the public service at the public expense, it should afford equal ground of forfeiture against the vessel that may be let out for a purpose so intimately connected with the hostile operations.
Page 459 - With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive to finish the work we are in...
Page 318 - The territories will remain in all respects the same, whether the revolution shall succeed or shall fail. The condition of slavery in the several states will remain just the same whether it succeed or fail.
Page 242 - I have not forgotten that, if the safety of this Union required the detention of the captured persons, it would be the right and duty of this government to detain them. But the effectual check and waning proportions of the existing insurrection, as well as the comparative unimportance of the captured persons themselves, when dispassionately weighed, happily forbid me from resorting to that defence.