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A. S. Society abolition abolitionists American Anti-Slavery Society anniversary anti Bible Boston called cause Chap cheers Christian Church colored Committee Compromise Congress Constitution Convention dear declared Democratic disunion doctrine Douglass duty editor Edmund Quincy Elizabeth Pease emancipation England Faneuil Hall Father feel Foster Francis Jackson Free Soil Free Soil Party freedom friends Fugitive Slave Law Gerrit Smith give Government H. C. Wright hand Henry human infidel John Kansas Kossuth labors land lecture letter Liberator Liberty Party Massachusetts meeting ment moral never non-resistance North organization paper peace persons political present President principle pro-slavery question regard religious Republican resolutions Rogers Rynders Sabbath Senate sentiment Sept Slave Power slaveholders slavery South Southern speech spirit Theodore Parker things Thompson tion Union United vote W. L. Garrison Webb Wendell Phillips Whig William Lloyd Garrison words wrote York
Page 418 - We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. "A house divided against itself cannot stand.
Page 94 - I am compelled to declare it as my deliberate opinion, that, if this bill passes, the bonds of this Union are virtually dissolved ; that the States which compose it are free from their moral obligations, and that, as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some, to prepare definitely for a separation — amicably if they can, violently if they must.
Page 106 - Sanctify the LORD of hosts himself; and let him be your fear, and let him be your dread. And he shall be for a sanctuary...
Page 401 - March 6, 1820,) which, being inconsistent with the principle of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories — as recognized by the legislation of 1850, commonly called the Compromise Measures — is hereby declared inoperative and void; it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their...
Page 489 - I believe that to have interfered as I have done, as I have always freely admitted I have done, in behalf of his despised poor, I did no wrong, but right. Now, if it is deemed necessary that I should forfeit my life for the furtherance of the ends of justice, and mingle my blood further with the blood of my children and with the blood of millions in...
Page 467 - Shall I tell you what this collision means? They who think that it is accidental, unnecessary, the work of interested or fanatical agitators, and, therefore, ephemeral, mistake the case altogether. It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slave-holding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation.
Page 53 - Judgment also will I lay to the line, and righteousness to the plummet: and the hail shall sweep away the refuge of lies, and the waters shall overflow the hiding place.
Page 488 - I have, may it please the Court, a few words to say. "In the first place, I deny everything but what I have all along admitted, — the design on my part to free the slaves. I intended certainly to have made a clean thing of that matter, as I did last winter, when I went into Missouri and there took slaves without the snapping of a gun either side, moved them through the country, and finally left them in Canada.
Page 488 - ... them in Canada. I designed to have done the same thing again, on a larger scale. That was all I intended. I never did intend murder, or treason, or the destruction of property, or to excite or incite slaves to rebellion, or to make insurrection.