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action Adams affairs alliance allies American government American minister April arms army authority belligerency Britain British Cadiz captain-general Carlists ceded cession citizens claims colonies Cong Congress consuls Cortes Cuban December declared decree demand despatch Dupuy de Lome England Europe expedition February February 24 Fish force Foreign Relations France French friendly governor Havana Holy Alliance hostilities Ibid independence Indians instructions insurgents insurrection interests island of Cuba January Jefferson King later Louisiana Madison Madrid Majesty March ment military Mississippi Monroe Napoleon nation negotiation neutrality November November 13 November 26 October officers Orleans OSTEND MANIFESTO Papers party peace Pensacola Pinckney political ports possession present President proposed provinces Puerto Rico question received reply river secretary Sefior Senate Senor sent Sess ship Sickles South Spain Spaniards Spanish government Spanish minister Talleyrand telegram territory tion treaty United vessels views Virginius Washington West Florida Woodford
Page 586 - That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination when that is accomplished to leave the government and control of the island to its people.
Page 202 - In the discussions to which this interest has given rise, and in the arrangements by which they may terminate, the occasion has been judged proper for asserting as a principle in which the rights, and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.
Page 193 - One nation, most of all, could disturb us in this pursuit; she now offers to lead, aid, and accompany us in it. By acceding to her proposition, we detach her from the bands, bring her mighty weight into the scale of free government, and emancipate a continent at one stroke, which might otherwise linger long in doubt and difficulty.
Page 48 - The day that France takes possession of New Orleans, fixes the sentence which is to restrain her forever within her low-water mark. It seals the union of two nations, who, in conjunction, can maintain exclusive possession of the ocean. From that moment we must marry ourselves to the British fleet and nation.
Page 192 - America, North and South, has a set of interests distinct from those of Europe, and particularly her own. She should therefore have a system of her own, separate and apart from that of Europe. While the last is laboring to become the •domicile of despotism, our endeavor should surely be, to make our hemisphere that of freedom.
Page 192 - Our first and fundamental maxim should be, never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe. Our second — never to suffer Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs.
Page 484 - ... has become manifest and it is demonstrated that her sovereignty is extinct in Cuba for all purposes of its rightful existence, and when a hopeless struggle for its reestablishment has degenerated into a strife which means nothing more than the useless sacrifice of human life and the utter destruction of the very subject-matter of the conflict, a situation will be presented in which our obligations to the sovereignty of Spain will be superseded by higher obligations, which we can hardly hesitate...
Page 584 - ... existed for more than three years in the island of Cuba, so near our own borders, have shocked the moral sense of the people of the United States, have been a disgrace to Christian civilization, culminating, as they have, in the destruction of a United States battle-ship, with two hundred and sixty-six1 of its officers and crew, while on a friendly visit in the harbor of Havana...
Page 357 - States in respect of these claims, they have arrived, individually and collectively, at the conclusion that these claims do not constitute, upon the principles of international law applicable to such cases, good foundation for an award of compensation or computation of damages between nations...
Page 155 - We surely cannot deny to any nation that right whereon our own government is founded, that every one may govern itself according to whatever form it pleases, and change these forms at its own will ; and that it may transact its business with foreign nations through whatever organ it thinks proper, whether King, Convention, Assembly, Committee, President, or anything else it may choose. The will of the nation is the only thing essential to be regarded.