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C. H. Kerr, 1913 - Labor - 22 pages
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Page 6 - That the party has neither the right nor the desire to interfere in any controversies which may exist within the labor-union movement over questions of form of organization or technical methods of action in the industrial struggle, but trusts to the labor organizations themselves to solve these questions.
Page 13 - Any conscious and willful act on the part of one or more workers intended to slacken and reduce the output of production in the industrial field, or to restrict trade and reduce the profits in the commercial field, in order to secure from their employers better conditions or to enforce those promised or maintain those already prevailing, when no other way of redress is open.
Page 14 - Any skillful operation on the machinery of production intended not to destroy it or permanently render it defective, but only to temporarily disable it and to put it out of running condition in order to make impossible the work of scabs and thus to secure the complete and real stoppage of work during a strike.
Page 123 - mind" is only another form of "life," and that morals are the necessary product of economic conditions. Cloth, 414 pages, $1.00. Principles of Scientific Socialism, by Charles H. Vail. Cloth, $1.00. The Republic, by NP Andresen. Cloth, $1.00. Revolutionary Essays, by Peter E. Burrowes. Cloth, $1.00. Rise of the American Proletarian, by Austin Lewis. An industrial history of the United States from the point of view of the wage worker. A careful reading of this interesting book will help the reader...
Page 27 - For in considering the transfer of industry to the workers from an ethical standpoint, he says: "We are going to take over the industries some day, for three very good reasons: Because we need them, because we want them, and because we have the power to get them. Whether we are 'ethically justified' or not is not our concern." Their destructive policies begin with opposition to the trade union. For this they would substitute a type of organization that would unite all the workers into one ardent,...
Page 5 - Any member of the party who opposes political action or advocates crime, sabotage, or other methods of violence as a weapon of the working-class to aid in its emancipation shall be expelled from membership in the party.
Page 27 - We Industrial Unionists care nothing about proving it. We are going to take over the industries some day for three very good reasons: Because we need them, because we want them, and because we have the power to get them. Whether we are 'ethically justified' or not is not our concern. We will lose no time proving title to them beforehand ; but we may, if it is necessary, after the thing is done, hire a couple of lawyers and judges to fix up the deed and make the transfer perfectly legal and respectable....
Page 36 - Strike [in 1919] — sabotage, as we practice it, is a more powerful injunction against their machinery. In vain will they invoke old laws and make new ones against it — they will never discover sabotage, never track it to its lair, never run it down, for no laws will ever make a crime of the 'clumsiness and lack of skill ' of a scab who bungles his work or ' puts on the bum ' a machine he 'does not know how to run,' but which has really been ' fixed ' by a class-conscious worker long before the...
Page 35 - Damocles' sword that hangs over the head of the master class, will replace all the confiscated weapons and ammunition of the workers in their war for economic justice. And it will win, for it is the most redoubtable of all, except the General Strike. In vain will the bosses get an injunction against strikers...

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