and Thomas Williamson, Philadelphia;

G. Bailey and L. D. Gale, Washington;

H. W. Bellows, N. Y.; C. E. Stowe, Andover; II. W. Beecher, Brooklyn; together with an execnti\e committee consisting of S. J. Bowen, J. M. Wilson, and L. D. Gale, of Washington; and M. Miner, Principal, and William H. Beecher, of Reading, Secretary.

We entirely agree with Walter Lenox, Esq., in the protest he has, in advance, made against the movement on the part of the people of the District. It is temperate yet firm:

"We must insist that within our limits we arc the best, and must bo the exclusive, judges of the character and degree of instruction thnt shall be imparted to this class of our population; who shall be their teachers, and what the nature of the influences they may seek or shall be permitted to exercise. We have not been insensible heretofore to their wants, and still hold ourselves ready to minister to them with all proper liberality and with far better judgment than strangers. We fully acknowledge and respect our relations to the General Government and to the citizens of the States, but in this matter we alone must be the conservators of our own peace and welfare. And, still further, we cannot tolerate an influence in our midst which will not only constantly disturb the repose and prosperity of our own community and of the country, but may even rend asunder the 'Union itself.'"

By way of contrast to the very courteous language of Mr. Lenox, we extract a passage from the remarks made, a day or two since in New York, by the renowned champion of abolitiondom, Wcndall Phillips:

"Now, what the abolitionist is to know is the slave, and if the Constitution and the Senate go to the bottom, where they belong, so much the better. I do not care about your principles, I want you to announce to the South: 'I mean to be there, about their hovels. That is my butt. I am another Elisha Kane, and the slave system is the North pole. I will die but I will reach it. The moment I can plant that purpose and that willingness to avow it, say to the churches, say to the State, 'I know

no use for you, either of you, but to create noble men. The church, what is itt The schoolmaster. The Government, what is it? The schoolmaster. Suppose it has produced nothing but villians—whnttneni Thesehoolniaster is a rouge. Sixty years of experience, and twenty millions of people to teach, and they were so blind as to elevate Frank Pierce and James Buchanan into office, and to thiuk that Caleb Gushing had a soul! (Laughter and applause.) It was not the churches or the State either that left them so blind. Now what I want is a purpose which shall avow itself. I admire Dr. Cheever. If any of those coals which touched the lips of Isaiah have dropped down to our age, his tongue has caught the inspiration to be gathered from some fragment of that fire. But what I want from him is to tell the people, as he is moulding the future, what their great purpose is to be. I want him to say to them: 'Inaugurate at home a spirit, which, if necessary, shall affirm that the State government will defy the Federal Government and yet not be guilty of treason.'

"These State governments are worth little or nothing unless thnt we may make them public garrisons for the anti-slavery idea against the Federal Government. Public opinion is the Saxon method of fighting—not with the bullets. I must raise you to the eve of disobeying what the Constitution says is law. I must raise New York, Massachusetts, Ohio, Wisconsin, to the level of being glad that they are traitors. I know how eloquent Dr. Cheever is. But there is one word he has not dared to' utter. It is 'revolution.' We must nvow it that thi3 is a revolution. We must avow it that there is no Constitution »left The North must be educated to the consciousness that she must trample law under foot. I want Massachusetts to put this on her statute books—'I will obey no slave law.' I want to mnke Massachusetts' soil so hot that a slaveholder would sooner go down to his birthplace (h—1) than come to Massachusetts."

A correspondent at Key West, Florida, sends us a paper upon "Northern interference with tlavery," of which we j shall make some note hereafter. It 'will please us to hear from him on all the subjects indicated in his letter, from ■which wc take the liberty of extracting.

"I have long held that our race, on both continents, are deeply indebted to this institution, for a large 6hare of their rapid material progress; and it would afford me much pleasure to give a more extended range to the subject than I hare done hitherto; although, I have written a good deal on this phase of slavery for Northern papers, within the last ten years. It seems to me time, al*o, that a stand should be taken by the South, that if any more of Mexico or if Central America ia to be annexed, slavery is to go there without cavil. The South yet possesses that power. When wc acquired New Mexico and California, our Senators could have carried this point or prevented the treaty. I have ever held that the general Constitution carried slavery with it to common territory, but had a clause been added to our treaty of peace, making the introduction of slavery a condition, thousands of our slaves would now be profitably employed in the southern part of California, a region that it is doubtful if its resources will ever be developed by free labor.

"It is time, too, that we should conaider what is to be done with the native and mixed population of Mexico and Central America when probable events shall have been consummated. Will we permit Spain to go much further with her system of gradual emancipation in Cuba, before we take possession of it! What will it be worth to us, with six to seven hundred thousand free blacks on it? Tliese are grave questions, and the solution we will hav e to make, sooner or later, is evident, even to a conservative like myself.

"I make the above observations to show my willingness to grapple the last subjects hinted at, should yon think the discussing of them useful. They would be difficult to handle, and the only fitness that I may possess, lies in the fact that the Spanish American Colonial History has been a favorite study with me for years; yet I labor under the difficulty of being far from proper libraries. Spain throwed away the chance, in destroying the half civilized native race, of fully developing the resources of her tropical American possessions. Had they been fostered as well as controlled, this would or could have been done. Can this race be

brought back to usefulness, L e. subserviency i

"You will perceive that my legal views on the subject of slavery accorded in every respect with the late decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Dred Scott, before that decision was made. Tliese views I have held ever since I had an independent opinion on the subject; and the enclosed articles were, in a measure, written at the time they were, in consequence of the discussions growing out of the above case. For years I have regretted to see many of the lawyers of the South, of the very highest name, admit that slavery is not a fundamental law of the land, and that it it a municipal institution. Both of*these positions I have ever held to be as untenable as they were dangerous. Had Southern statesmen always interposed the fundamental organic nature of slavery, as was intimated by Story; together with the fact that it ever had existed, and now exists, alone by the "common law" of the world; with similar reasoning thereon, as was given by Lord Stow ell, the North have found no hole in the armor of the South, for the entrance of the lance of free-soilism, with which they have made such a deadly thrust."

Among our advertisements will be found the prospectus for a Southern Journal to be published in Philadelphia by John B. Jones, Esq., a gentleman whose memorial on this subject to the Southern Convention, appeared in the March Number of the Review. The Richmond Enquirer says of the proposal:

"Its editor is a gentleman of unquestioned talents, of sterling and unflinching faith; one who will stand up for the Constitution as read and expounded by Jefferson and Madison, and will sustain the Union 'on the terms and stipulations agreed to by our fathers;' who will war to the knife against Black Republicanism, and all fanaticism, and sustain Southern rights and Southern institutions; who will be a staunch friend in the midst of our enemies, fearlessly defending the right against sectional encroachment and violence, and who will advocate equality among the States. 'tbe Southern Monitor,' (like the New York Day Book, which -we have so often commended to the Bupport of Southern men,) will aid in opening the eyes of the Northern people, and enable them to see the mad course pursued by the politicians who are attempting to lead them to their ruin. It will expose the ignorance manifested about Southern interests and institutions, and enlighten the Northern mind relative to the habits, associations, feelings, police regulations, necessities, and wants of Southern society, advocating non-interference with our domestic polity and strict adherence to constitutional guarantees—the only true policy for preserving intact the union of the States."

We have received the second volume of Mr. Benton's Abridgement of Congressional Debates. The work will cover the period from 1789 to 1856, and be embraced in fifteen volumes, 750 pages each, comprising what is now included in one hundred volumes. Price $3 per volume, cloth. It is published by D. Appkton & Co., New York. We agree with a neighbor:

"Notwithstanding the many idiosyncracics that have characterized Col. Benton for the last ten years, we incline to the opinion that there is not another man in the Government so ■well prepared for this particular labor as he is. His long and eventful connection with the public affairs of the country, his fondness for historical research, laborious habits, and retentive memory, secure to him advantages greater than those of any other public man in the country. lie certainly could not have devoted the remainder of his life more profitably to the service of his country thanin the manner chosen."

The newspapers speak with high favor of JiiisselFs New Magazine published at Charleston, and we are willing to take for granted what they say from our knowledge of the parties, despite of the fact that they have not thought us worthy of receiving either the first or second number, which have for sometime been issued. How is this Mr. Hayne!

The Hon. B. F. Perry's Address before the South Carolina Institute at the

Fair held in Charleston, during November last, with the exhibitors' catalogue, has been placed in our hands. The address is marked with evidences of great ability, and will furnish us useful material hereafter. The mission of the Institute is high. Says the report, page 56:

"Labor, and the elements of labor, strong muscle, and willing spirit, may be found all through our State, asking for that appreciation of its power and combination with capital, as will produce riches, education, and refinement. The sandy plains, so long neglected upon our line of railroad, may be covered with mines of wealth, in golden fruit, needing in the beginning but little capital, but yielding large returns; or, following the example of our western neighbors, South Carolina may have her fields, worn and useless as many of them are, rich with the grape, and so furnish to the world the supply of wines, pure and wholesome, that now comes, adulterated and defiled, from the factories of France and Spain."

Our readers will not fail to refer to the advertisement of Old Point Comfort Hotel in another place. It is now under other management, and has been wholly revolutionized. The proprietor is a Southern man, a Virginian, of character and reputation, and intends to devote extraordinary pains in making the place what nature intended it. Let the Southern public regard it in the future, as their Newport or Cape May, and they will find all the advantages and ten-fold the substantial enjoyments to be found at either of these places. It is easy of access from any point

Ticknor & Fields, Boston, furnish us with a volume entitled Tieo Years Ago, by Rev. Charles Kingsley. We have not looked far into it, but imagine from what first comes up, that it is of the "negro worshipping" school. Some one is saying, on page vii, "Conscience has taught me to feel for the Southerner as a brother, who is but what I might have been, and to sigh over his misdirected courage and energy, not with hatred, not with contempt, but with pity, all the more intense the more he scorns that pity, to long not merely for the slaves sake, but for the masters sake, to see them the ch ivalrou9 gentlemen of the South, delivered from the meshes of a net they did not spread for themselves, <tc I long to save them from their certain doom."

Something better from the same house, and in the same parcel, is the Prose Works of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, complete in 2 volumes, elegantly issued, duodecimo, uniform with the poetical works of the same author. Volume 1 relates chiefly to European scenery and travels. Volume 2 contains the Romance of Hyperion and Kavanngh.

Issued uniform with the above, but by Whittemore, Niles <fc Hall, Boston, is the Poems of Charles Swain, an Englishman, born in 1803, whose poetry is very popular, and has been translated into Fiench and German. The collections includes nearly five hundred fragmentary pieces, many of which are touching and beautiful. These publishers also issue Alger's oriental poetry and Lockhart's Spanish ballads.

Four other volumes of the British Poets, published by Little, Brown it Co. are recei ved. They embrace English and Scottish ballads, selected and edited by Francis James Child, volumes 1—4, duodecimo. It always delights us to commend this admirable cabinet edition of the Poets of Great Britain. It should be in every gentleman's library. The ballads before us are distributed into five classes.

I. Romances of Chivalry and Legends of the Popular Heroes of England.

II. Ballads of Superstition—Fairies, Elves, Magic, and Ghosts.

HI. Tragic Love Ballads.

IV. Other Tragic Ballads.

V. Love Ballads, Not Tragic.

Works of poetry come thick the present month. Here is another: "Dramatic Scenes, with other Poems," now\

first printed, by Barry Cornwall, author of English Songs. The Miscellaneous Poems are printed for the first time, whilst the Dramatic Scenes are somewhat altered and condensed, having first appeared thirty to forty years ago.

In referring to School Books in our editorial of May, we observed that many had been published at the South which had not reached our table. This induces our friend J. W. Randolph, of Richmond, to forward—

I. Vaughan's Abecedarian, or First Book for Children, an agreeable little primer published in 1855 by him, the production of Mrs. S. A. Yaughan. We commend it to the attention of Southern parents, and cordially approve iU plan.

II. Element* of Descriptive Geometry—Part. 1. The Point, the Straight Line, and the Tlane, by Samuel Schooler, M. A., Instructor of Mathematics at Hanover Academy, Virginia. Will not Southern academies examine this handsomely issued volume, though it come indeed from Nazareth? It is the result of much thought and experience, aud has been compiled to facilitate the introduction of Descriptive Geometry into schools and academies.

Let all who have issued sohool books at the South, or who have them in manuscript, furnish us with a copy, or at least with the title, and they shall be announced.

We are indebted to M. Gross, formerly editor of the National Gazette, Washington, for some valuabe manuscript collections of his own, upon subjects of agriculture and agricultural chemistry, including criticisms upon the late reports of the Agricultural Bureau of the Patent Office. Space has not admitted of the extracts we intended from them iu the present number. They will receive attention hereafter. The author seems to be a man well read in such matters, and capable of doing service to the agricultural oommumty.

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