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action anti-parliamentarism become Bolsheviks bourgeois bourgeoisie capital cent centralised Church civilisation co-operative Cole Communist Manifesto Communist party constraint democracy democratic despotism dictatorship doubt economic conditions economic rent employer England equal existing expropriate fact factories fixed force France freedom French Government Guild Socialism Guild Socialists Henri Barbusse impossible incomes individual industrial conscription interest Jules Guesde labour Lagardelle land Lenin libertarian libertarian Socialist liberty of opinion majority Marx and Engels Marxist Marxist Socialism matter means of production mediaeval ment merely minority nation nationalisation natural monopolies necessary never organisation Paris Commune peasants personal liberty political power possible principles private property prole proletariat proposed railway realise reason recognised Reformist representatives restriction revolutionary Russia serfs social revolution Socialist Party Socialist society Socialist system Sorel Soviet supply and demand suppressed Syndicalism Syndicalist Syndicalist method Syndicalist theory tariat Third International tion Trade Unionists Trade Unions Vandervelde workers workmen
Page 34 - The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way based on ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this or that would-be universal reformer. They merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing from an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on under our very eyes.
Page 69 - The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other working-class parties. They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole. They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement.
Page 100 - In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.
Page 68 - All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority.
Page 78 - Bebel when he said, as the reader will remember, that so long as the proletariat still uses the state it does not use it in the interests of freedom but in order to hold down its adversaries, and as soon as it becomes possible to speak of freedom the state as such ceases to exist.
Page 63 - The distinguishing feature of communism is not the abolition of property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But modern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete expression of the system of producing and appropriating products that is based on class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many by the few.
Page 77 - The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all instruments of production in the hands of the state, that is, of the proletariat organized as the ruling class; and to increase the total of productive forces as rapidly as possible.
Page 61 - ... educated" classes for support. Whatever portion of the working class had become convinced of the insufficiency of mere political revolutions, and had proclaimed the necessity of a total social change, that portion, then, called itself Communist.
Page 77 - When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character.
Page 73 - There lies between the capitalist and communist society a period of revolutionary transformation of one into the other. This period has a corresponding political period of transition, during which the State can be nothing else than a revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat.