(vol. I-II) Revolutionary and subversive movements abroad and at home
New York (State). Legislature. Joint Legislative Committee to Investigate Seditious Activities, Clayton Riley Lusk
J. B. Lyon, 1920 - Americanization
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action agricultural All-Russian Central Executive army Article Awaiting trial Bolshevik bourgeois bourgeoisie British capital capitalist Central Executive Committee Communist Party comrades Conference Congress of Soviets Council declared decree delegates democracy Department of Labor Deputies dictatorship district economic elected Entente establishment existence exploitation Federated Soviet Republic fight France French German groups imperialism industrial institutions issued Italian Socialist Party Labor Distribution Labor Party land laws leaders Lenin Manifesto means ment Moscow necessary organization Party of America peace peasants People's Commissariat People's Commissars persons Petrograd political present production proletariat propaganda radical Red army Red Terror representatives revolution Revolutionary Tribunal rules Russian Socialist Federated Russian Soviet Social Democratic Socialist Federated Soviet Socialist movement Socialist Party society Soldiers Soviet government strike struggle Syndicalists tion trade unions Trotzky Ukraine United vote wage earner workers workingmen Workmen's
Page 60 - The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding generations together.
Page 58 - The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his "natural superiors,*' and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous "cash payment...
Page 558 - Workers of the world, unite: you have nothing to lose but your chains, and a new world to win.
Page 1146 - Refrain from these men and let them alone : for if this counsel or this work be of men, it will come to naught; but if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it, lest haply ye be found even to fight against God.
Page 49 - That proposition is: that in every historical epoch, the prevailing mode of economic production and exchange, and the social organization necessarily following from it, form the basis upon which is built up, and from which alone can be explained, the political and intellectual history of that epoch...
Page 64 - Unions) against the bourgeois; they club together in order to keep up the rate of wages; they found permanent associations in order to make provision beforehand for these occasional revolts. Here and there the contest breaks out into riots. Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time. The real fruit of their battles lies, not in the immediate result, but in the ever - expanding union of the workers.
Page 66 - ... their existence as fractions of the middle class. They are therefore not revolutionary, but conservative. Nay, more; they are reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history. If by chance they are revolutionary, they are so only in view of their impending transfer into the proletariat; they thus defend not their present, but their future interests; they desert their own standpoint to place themselves at that of the proletariat. The "dangerous class...
Page 58 - ... railways extended, in the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and pushed into the background every class handed down from the Middle Ages. We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product of a long course of development, of a series of revolutions in the modes of production and of exchange.
Page 61 - For many a decade past, the history of industry and commerce is but the history of the revolt of modern productive forces against modern conditions of production, against the property relations that are the conditions for the existence of the bourgeoisie and of its rule.