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19th Congress administration affairs appointed April army Bonaparte Boston Britain British cabinet Canal character citizens claims Clayton-Bulwer Treaty Congress Constitution Convention correspondence December declaration defense Department diplomatic duties E. G. Squier England envoy ernment Etats-Unis Europe European Executive favor February feeling Florida foreign France French give Gouverneur MSS History House interests internal James Monroe Jefferson John Quincy Adams Kortwright Lafayette letter Livingston London Louisiana Madison Marbois March memoir ment military minister mission Mississippi Monroe Doctrine Monroe's negotiation neutral Nicaragua Canal North American Review Oak Hill opinion Ostend Manifesto Panama Paris party patriotic Philadelphia political present President principles question Randolph received relations Republic respect Revue Richard Henry Lee says secretary secure Senate sent Session Spain Spanish Talleyrand territory tion treaty treaty of Ghent Union United Virginia Washington William Wirt writes wrote York
Page 173 - The question presented by the letters you have sent me, is the most momentous which has ever been offered to my contemplation since that of Independence. That made us a nation, this sets our compass and points the course which we are to steer through the ocean of time opening on us.
Page 161 - In the discussions to which this interest has given rise, and in the arrangements by which they may terminate, the occasion has been judged proper for asserting as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.
Page 167 - The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations to have with them as little political connection as possible.
Page 174 - Our first and fundamental maxim should be, never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe. Our second, never to suffer Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America, North and South, has a set of interests distinct from those of Europe, and peculiarly her own. She should therefore have a system of her own, separate and apart from that of Europe. While the last is laboring to become the domicile of despotism, our endeavor should surely be, to make our hemisphere that of freedom.
Page 164 - It is still the true policy of the "United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other powers will pursue the same course.
Page 163 - It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent, without endangering our peace and happiness...
Page 160 - At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiation the respective rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent.
Page 26 - The navigation of the river Mississippi from its source to the ocean, shall forever remain free and open to the subjects of Great Britain and the citizens of the United States.
Page 264 - A view of the conduct of the executive in the foreign affairs of the United States, connected with the mission to the French republic, during the years 1794, 5, & 6.
Page 168 - If an election is to be determined by a majority of a single vote, and that can be procured by a party through artifice or corruption, the government may be the choice of a party for its own ends, not of the nation for the national good. If that solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations by flattery or menaces, by fraud or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the government may not be the choice of the American people, but of foreign nations. It may be foreign nations who govern...