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already anarchists anti-Socialist laws Austria battle become bourgeois bourgeoisie capital capitalist class cent class antagonisms class struggle colonial policy Communist Manifesto consciousness continuous contrary countries creased decade demands democracy democratic economic employers European existence expected exploitation fact farmers favorable feeling of strength fight force France gain German Empire Germany governmental gradual growth growing growth into Socialism imperialism increase individual industrial interests labor power Landtag letariat little capitalist live lution Marx and Engels Marxian Marxists mass means ment methods military million money wages nation nomic opponents organization overthrow peace period political power politicians population possessing class possible present production progress proletarian revolution proletariat prophesying railroads recognize Reichstag result revo revolution of 1848 revolutionary rise ruling class Russia situation small capitalists social revolution Socialist movement Socialist party society suffrage sure tariat things tion trade unions transformation uprising victory volition votes workers
Page 7 - The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany, because that country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that is bound to be carried out under more advanced conditions of European civilization, and with a much more developed proletariat, than that of England was in the seventeenth, and France in the eighteenth century, and because the bourgeois revolution in Germany will be but the prelude to an immediately following proletarian revolution.
Page 50 - The socialist party is a revolutionary party but not a revolution-making party. We know that our goal can be attained only through revolution. We also know that it is just as little in our power to create this revolution as it is in the power of our opponents to prevent it. It is no part of our work to instigate a revolution or to prepare the way for it.
Page 52 - Kautsky believed that political democracy with universal suffrage could not in itself abolish revolution, "but it can avert many premature, hopeless revolutionary attempts, and render superfluous many revolutionary uprisings. It creates clearness regarding the relative strength of the different parties and classes." It prevents the workers from attempting to accomplish the impossible, and the governing classes from refusing to grant concessions that it no longer possesses the strength to withhold....
Page 95 - ... purely political struggle (for example, battles for the suffrage) in which mass strikes may be used as an effective weapon." "So it is that the unions are compelled more and more to take up political tasks. In England as in France, in Germany as well as in Austria, they are turning more and more towards politics. This is the justified kernel of the syndicalism of the Romance countries, unfortunately, however, as a result of its anarchistic origin this kernel is buried in a desert of anti-parliamentarism....
Page 12 - On the other hand the proletariat will always demand that any government in which their own party possesses power, shall use the power of the state to assist it in its battle against capital Consequently every government based upon a coalition of capitalist and working class parties is foredoomed to disruption. A proletarian party which shares power with a capitalist party in any government must share the blame for any acts of subjection of the working class. It thereby invites the hostility of its...
Page 12 - ... subjection of the working class. It thereby invites the hostility of its own supporters, and this in turn causes its capitalist allies to lose confidence and makes any progressive action impossible. No such arrangement can bring any strength to the working class. No capitalist party will permit it to do so. It can only compromise a proletarian party and confuse and split the working class.
Page 91 - Economic History of the United States. By Leo Huberman. New York: The Viking Press, 1940. Pp. viii, 251. $2.75.— The social and political consequences of the rapid transformation of the United States from an agricultural to an industrial nation from 1860 to 1940. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL GROWTH OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE, 1865-1940.
Page 54 - The great fear was that the capitalist class, realizing their ultimate defeat, would try to incite the workers to violent acts in order thereby to create a reaction. Violence in the past had time and time again assisted in setting back the labor movement. THE VALUE OF REFORMS. In their endeavor...
Page 35 - The revisionists meet these conclusions with the claim that there is a much greater contradiction in Marx himself. They allege that, as a thinker, he recognized no such thing as a free will, but expected everything to come from inevitable economic evolution, which moves on automatically, but that as a revolutionary fighter h« sought in the strongest manner to develop wills, and to appeal to the volition of the proletariat.
Page 49 - ... proletariat. The only form of the state in which Socialism can be realized is that of a republic, and a thoroughly democratic republic at that. The Socialist party is a revolutionary party, but not a revolution-making party. We know that our goal can be attained only through a revolution.