Authoritarianism in an Age of Democratization
Far from sweeping the globe uniformly, the 'third wave of democratization' left burgeoning republics and resilient dictatorships in its wake. Applying more than a year of original fieldwork in Egypt, Iran, Malaysia, and the Philippines, in this book Jason Brownlee shows that the mixed record of recent democratization is best deciphered through a historical and institutional approach to authoritarian rule. Exposing the internal organizations that structure elite conflict, Brownlee demonstrates why the critical soft-liners needed for democratic transitions have been dormant in Egypt and Malaysia but outspoken in Iran and the Philippines. By establishing how ruling parties originated and why they impede change, Brownlee illuminates the problem of contemporary authoritarianism and informs the promotion of durable democracy.
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2 The Inception of Ruling Parties
3 Institutional Legacies and Coalitional Tensions
Egypt and Malaysia during the Third Wave
Iran during the Third Wave
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afﬁliates Alliance Anwar Aquino Assembly of Experts authoritarianism autocracy autocratic Baktiari Bani-Sadr Beattie beneﬁted Buchta campaign candidates challenge clerics coalition constitution contested Council of Guardians country’s defeat democracy democratization dictatorship dominance durable authoritarianism economic Egypt and Malaysia Egyptian elections electoral elite conﬂict Enrile factions ﬁeld ﬁgures ﬁnal ﬁrst Gamal Gamal Mubarak Hamrush Hosni Mubarak inﬂuence inﬂuential institutions Iran Iran’s Iranian Islamic left Khamenei Khatami Khomeini Laurel leaders leadership Liberal Mahathir Malay Malaya Malayan Union Manila Marcos Marcos’s movement Mubarak multiparty Musa Muslim Brotherhood Nacionalista Nacionalista Party Naguib Nasser ofﬁce ofﬁcers ofﬁcial opposition’s organizations Osme˜na outcomes parliament parliamentary party’s People’s percent Philippines political politicians polls popular president president’s Quezon Rafsanjani Rally Razaleigh reform reformists regime change regime formation regime’s rulers ruling parties Sadat Salvador Laurel seats Semangat single-party third wave tion traditionalists UMNO UMNO’s Unido victory vote Wurfel
Page vi - And to throw further light on this part of my argument, I would say, that the nobles are to be considered in two different manners; that is, they are either to be ruled so as to make them entirely dependent on your fortunes, or else not. Those that are thus bound to you and are not rapacious, must be honoured and loved; those who stand aloof must be considered in two ways, they either do this through pusillanimity and natural want of courage, and in this case you ought to make use of them, and especially...
Page 26 - Authoritarian regimes are political systems with limited, not responsible, political pluralism: without elaborate and guiding ideology (but with distinctive mentalities); without intensive nor extensive political mobilization (except some points in their development); and in which a leader (or occasionally a small group) exercises power within formally ill-defined limits but actually quite predictable ones.
Page vi - ... overwhelming support — the Congo, Sudan, Nigeria — or where the nationalist party split after independence, as in Morocco, there often was considerable trouble. Where a major segment of the nationalist movement was systematically excluded from power, as in Cameroun, there was continued civil war. Almost everywhere, the trend after independence has been in one of two directions: toward a one-party state with consequent stability (if the resulting single party grouped the major elements) or...
Page 24 - I had reached the junction. Two decades later, in Spandau, I read in Sir James Jeans: The course of a railway train is uniquely prescribed for it at most points of its journey by the rails on which it runs. Here and there, however, it comes to a junction at which alternative courses are open to it, and it may be turned on to one or the other by the quite negligible expenditure of energy involved in moving the points.
Page 24 - In other words, a sociological theory of revolution ought not expect to be able to tell who will win in a revolutionary situation, but to tell that there will be a fight with unlimited means, a fight not conducted under defined norms for deciding political battles.
Page 11 - To be sure, party members are not altruists, and the existence of parties by no means eliminates selfish and unscrupulous motivations. The power-seeking drives of politicians remain constant. What varies is the processing and the constraints that are brought to bear on such drives.
Page 8 - ... number of independent structures of management and information. And liberalization is the conservation of all the foundations of the administrative system but in a milder form. Liberalization is an unclenched fist, but the hand is the same, and at any moment it could be clenched again into a fist.