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administration admission of Louisiana admitting Louisiana Andrew Jackson arrogance arts blank paper blood of freemen body of slaveholders Boldness Calhoun thought change by usurpation character of slaveholders class of slaveholders condition Congress to admit consequences corrupt cunning dated Monticello days of Andrew declared democracy disgrace effect established example against broad fifty George Washington govern the Union hands of slaveholders holders honor influence ington insolent interests and fears John Quincy Adams John Randolph JOSIAH QUINCY keeping the control leaders Letter to Wilson Louisiana Bill masters of slaves moral multiply Slave nation negroes never opinion overbearing paper by construction perpetual physical power political power of slaveholders principles of liberty ready representation result sake of power sion slave power slaveholder's slaveholders in Congress spirit of encroachment strict construction stupendous usurpation subjection subserviency territories thing Thomas Jefferson three hundred tion tive United violence Virginia voice of Washington Wilson Cary Nicholas
Page 24 - The whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions, the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submissions on the other.
Page 19 - I am compelled to declare it as my deliberate opinion, that, if this bill passes, the bonds of this Union are virtually dissolved ; that the States which compose it are free from their moral obligations, and that, as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some, to prepare definitely for a separation — amicably if they can, violently if they must.
Page 24 - The parent storms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives a loose to the worst of passions, and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities.
Page 14 - I am aware of the force of the observations you make on the power given by the Constitution to Congress to admit new States into the Union, without restraining the subject to the territory then constituting the United States.
Page 14 - When an instrument admits two constructions, the one safe, the other dangerous, the one precise, the other indefinite, I prefer that which is safe & precise.
Page 26 - You have done all this, — and then show him the gibbet and the wheel, as incentives to a sullen, repugnant obedience. God forbid, sir, that the Southern States should ever see an enemy on their shores, with these infernal principles of French fraternity in the van. While talking of taking Canada, some of us are shuddering for our own safety at home. I speak from facts when I say that the night-bell never tolls for fire in Richmond, that the mother does not hug her infant more closely to her bosom....
Page 14 - I had rather ask an enlargement of power from the nation, where it is found necessary, than to assume it by a construction which would make our powers boundless. Our peculiar security is in the possession of a written Constitution. Let us not make it a blank paper by construction. I say the same as to the opinion of those who consider the grant of the treatymaking power as boundless. If it is, then we have no Constitution.
Page 23 - It is among the evils of slavery that it taints the very sources of moral principle. It establishes false estimates of virtue and vice; for what can be more false and heartless than this doctrine which makes the first and holiest rights of humanity to depend upon the color of the skin?
Page 20 - The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism.