What people are saying - Write a review
We haven't found any reviews in the usual places.
Other editions - View all
Anderson Annapolis April April 22 arms army arrived attack authority Baltimore batteries battle Beauregard Blair Bull Run Cabinet Cairo Cameron camp campaign capital Captain capture chap Charleston Colonel command Confederate Congress convention danger declared defense Department dispatch duty enemy Executive expedition flag force Fort Monroe Fort Pickens Fort Sumter Fremont garrison Gosport navy yard Government Governor guns Harper's Ferry Illinois immediately Jackson Jefferson Davis Kentucky laws Legislature letter Lord John Russell Louis Lyon Maryland McClellan ment miles military militia Missouri Montgomery morning movement navy night North officers Ohio organized Patterson Pickens political Potomac President Lincoln President's proclamation railroad rebel rebellion reenforce regiments reply river Scott secession Secretary Secretary of War sent Seward slaves soon South steamer Sumter telegraphed Texas tion treason troops Union Union army United Virginia volunteers W. R. Vol Washington wrote
Page 381 - ex majore cautela" and in anticipation of such astute objections, passing an act "approving, legalizing, and making valid all the acts, proclamations, and orders of the President, &c., as if they had been issued and done under the previous express authority and direction of the Congress of the United States.
Page 79 - Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people.
Page 377 - That the present deplorable civil war has been forced upon the country by the Disunionists of the Southern States now in revolt against the constitutional Government...
Page 370 - It might seem at first thought to be of little difference whether the present movement at the South be called "secession
Page 371 - Tested by this, no one of our states except Texas, ever was a sovereignty. And even Texas gave *up the character on coming into the Union ; by which act she acknowledged the Constitution of the United States and the laws and treaties of the United States made in pursuance of the Constitution, to be for her the supreme law of the land.
Page 369 - It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this contest a short and decisive one: that you place at the control of the government for the work at least four hundred thousand men and $400,000,000.
Page 99 - Secession is nothing but revolution. The framers of our Constitution never exhausted so much labor, wisdom, and forbearance in its formation, and surrounded it with so many guards and securities, if it was intended to be broken by every member of the Confederacy at will. It is intended for "perpetual union...
Page 256 - I consider the central idea pervading this struggle is the necessity that is upon us of proving that popular government is not an absurdity. We must settle this question now, whether in a free government the minority have the right to break up the government whenever they choose. If we fail, it will go far to prove the incapability of the people to govern themselves.
Page 177 - The whole of the laws which were required to be faithfully executed were being resisted and failing of execution in nearly one-third of the States. Must they be allowed to finally fail of execution, even had it been perfectly clear that by the use of the means necessary to their execution some single law, made in such extreme tenderness of the citizen's liberty that, practically, it relieves more of the guilty than of the innocent, should to a very limited extent be violated ? To state the question...
Page 177 - Now, it is insisted that Congress and not the Executive is vested with this power. But the Constitution itself is silent as to which, or who, is to exercise the power; and as the provision was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed the framers of the instrument intended that in every case the danger should run its course until Congress could be called together, the very assembling of which might be prevented, as was intended in this case, by the rebellion.