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American labourer basis Britain called capitalist century coal commodities consider definition democracy democratic desire difference economic principles employers enclosure England English labourer equal exchange exchange-value exploit factors in production favour force freedom fundamental Georges Sorel Herbert Spencer historians ideas individual industry interest justice Karl Marx labour and capital Labour party land landlords Lecky legislation liberty Marx mass matter Max Hirsch means of production ment mind mines monopoly value natural rights nominal wage official organized ownership Parliament passed peasant political means politicians poor profit question railways reform revolution says schemes of nationalization Schwab seems slaves Socialism socialist society Sorel Spargo Spencer strike surplus value Syndicalism Syndicalist taxation tells thegn theory things tion Tory trade union true democracy use-values village wealth Woodrow Wilson workers
Page 22 - He kept me to school or else I had not been able to have preached before the king's majesty now.
Page 75 - This they said, and this they meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth that all were then actually enjoying that equality, nor yet that they were about to confer it immediately upon them.
Page 118 - We see then that that which determines the magnitude of the value of any article is the amount of labour socially necessary, or the labour-time socially necessary for its production.
Page 22 - My father was a yeoman, and had no lands of his own, only he had a farm of three or four pound by year at the uttermost, and hereupon he tilled so much as kept half a dozen men. He had walk for a hundred sheep; and my mother milked thirty kine.
Page 154 - We are in a temper to reconstruct economic society, as we were once in a temper to reconstruct political society, and political society may itself undergo a radical modification in the process. I doubt if any age was ever more conscious of its task or more unanimously desirous of radical and extended changes in its economic and political practice.
Page 165 - We stand in the presence of a revolution — not a bloody revolution; America is not given to the spilling of blood — but a silent revolution, whereby America will insist upon recovering in practice those ideals which she has always professed, upon securing a government devoted to the general interest and not to special interests.
Page 175 - Distress everywhere makes the labourer mutinous and discontented, and inclines him to listen with eagerness to agitators who tell him that it is a monstrous iniquity that one man should have a million while another cannot get a full meal.
Page 56 - ... which should normally be the heir to all private riches in excess of a quite moderate amount by way of family provision. But all this will not suffice. It will be imperative at the earliest possible moment to free the nation from at any rate the greater part of its new load .of...
Page 119 - The fact that half a day's labour is necessary to keep the labourer alive during twenty-four hours, does not in any way prevent him from working a whole day. Therefore, the value of labour-power, and the value which that labour-power creates in the labour-process, are two entirely different magnitudes...