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observation and science are at work with them, and much good may be expected.
One important fact connected with the training of the feeble-minded is that however skilled and useful they become, they will always need supervision. Even when they become so competent as to be, under guidance, self-supporting, they should never be turned loose upon society to propagate their kind, to retrograde and bring themselves to pauperism, criminality, and general wreck.
It is estimated that one per cent, of the children in English public schools belong to the backward class, and cannot do the work of the grades. In Germany more than 6,000 of these backward children are maintained in special schools. In Prussia all cities of 20,000 inhabitants maintain such
schools. London has many such, and in our own country similar ones have been established in our principal cities.
There ought, however, to be some permanent provision whereby these defective ones may be safeguarded, and society protected. Not all the parents of such children can afford the expense of private instruction, and the state should, in its own defense, compass this object.
Only teachers gifted with an unusual degree of patience should undertake the important work of instructing the feeble-minded; but thus fortified, they may successfully work, watch, hope,—yes, love, the unfortunate little ones into a blessed understanding and development which shall prove an inestimable boon to them and a great comfort to parents and guardians.
The Crisis in Russia.
By Adolphe Monell-Sayre.
The geographies give a misleading conception of conditions in Russia when they make the boundary line between Europe and Asia run along the crest of the Ural mountains. The boundary line in reality lies far to the west. With the exception of the once independent crowns of Poland and Finland, all of the dominions under the sway of the tzar are Asiatic in character, and only by an appreciation of that fact is it possible to apprehend correctly Russian history and Russian politics.
Russian history and Russian politics have been for the past thousand years, and are to-day found almost exclusively in the palace of the Russian tzars. This, of itself, shows the country to be of Asia. In no government in Europe, since the downfall of the Roman empire, has the like been so. However absolute in theory might be the Bourbon sovereign at Paris, or at Madrid, or at Naples, it was never practically true that all the political power of the realm was contained within his palace walls. There might be no set instrument of government, formally digested into sections and articles, but at the lowest ebb of European democracy the people had still some power. And, even if the people were not very weighty, the nobles were a class whom no king could safely disregard.
Moreover, the people might be trampled upon, and the nobility condemned to dangle useless in the royal antechamber, yet was the crowned ruler not alone the possessor of authority. There was always the Church. She was frequently in alliance with the royal prerogatives, but she was as frequently arrayed against them in battle, and the most self-willed European ruler had to take into his consideration the danger of the altar being hostile to him, and the thunders of the Church Militant resounding from the "drum ecclesiastic."
This is European history. The graduated independence of the feudal system and the political stiffneckedness of the Western Church lay at the bottom of European society, and even when the feudal system had crumbled, and even where the Church had bowed herself before the throne, the mere memory of the former influence of noble and priest preserved them from complete political indifference, and prevented the Louises and the Philips from sweeping absolutely out of their reckoning all but the favorites whom the royal whim had seated around the council board.
But this is not as history reads in Asia. In that vast continent there is first the king, and after him there is nothing. A palace intrigue may stab him in his bedchamber, a discontent among his guards may leave him butchered on the parade
ground, but that a revolution should cause the people to rise, or that any class or section of society should arm itself in revolt, is unthinkable. "The king is dead, long live the king" is the only purpose of any change of government. A kinsman, or sometimes a daring outsider, climbs to the throne over the bleeding body of his predecessor, and there the affair ends. '' An Amurath an Amurath succeeds," and everybody else remains the same as before, except the particular friends of the late Amurath, who generally disappear. His palace safe, and his household regiments loyal, the despot can rest secure. He need no more fear an uprising of nobles or of peasants than we do that the ants will combine against us.
Nor is he under any ecclesiastical apprehension. The Eastern churches always support the powers that be. They will indeed plunge the world into ruin, and die to the last man for a word of the Creed or a thread of their vestments, but, provided the king leaves dogma and ritual alone, he may do with them as he likes. At a nod from the palace the Metropolitan obediently retires from the throne of his cathedral, and exchanges the ecclesiastical homage of whole provinces for the obscurity of a distant convent. Imagine Rome or Canterbury being so subservient! Imagine a Lutheran or a Presbyterian monarch trying to deal in such wise with his chief synod! The whole country would be in a blaze as fast as the news could travel. The Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo and John Knox were quite different persons, but they were alike in this, that neither the primate of All Spain nor the preacher of Scotland would budge one inch for any Habsburg or Stuart that ever wore a diadam. And around them at a crisis would have gathered millions. It is never so in the East. St. Chrysostom offends an empress and he is dragged—albeit his eloquence is reported to have charmed the very angels—from the patriarchal chair of the entire Orient. Nicenor, is slandered by his enemies to a vacillating monarch, and, adored by the people as he is, he is banished fromthemetropolitical primacy of Moscow, and not a voice raises itself in protest.
Thus runs Russian history—always in Asiastic channels. The Slavic race has behind it no traditions of self-government. The autocrat has not cast off the chains of the feudal system, for there never was a feudal system. He does not have to walk warily in the face of a jealous pulpit, tenacious of every scrap of sacerdotal independence, for his people were converted from Constantinople, not from Rome, and their Christianity is of the Greek, not of the Latin cast. Therefore, elevated into the possession of all power, below him all men are on a dead level—of nothing. The richest and most long-descended aristocrat in his emEire has not a vestige of political right, nor had is father, nor his father's father. To the tzar alone does all power belong; it is the privilege of
subjects only to obey, and they do obey but,
Peter III. was strangled by his chamberlains, and his German empress placed alone on the throne; the emperor Paul was poniarded by his attendants, and his son, Alexander the First, reigned in his stead. At the death of Alexander, in 1821, his youngest brother Nicholas received the homage of the court, altho by strict right the Grand Duke Constantino was entitled to the crown. On this occasion an attempt was made to rouse the people for "Constantine and the Constitution," but what business was it of theirs which Romanoff held the scepter? They only asked curiously if La Constitution was his imperial highness' wife.
Nor has this government by assassination been confined to the more immediate successors of that great Peter who first welded the dominions of the tzars of Muscovy into a united state, and drew his people up from barbarism to a place among the world's nations. Alexander the second was another and a nobler Peter. He abolished serfdom; he inaugurated all manner of fiscal and social reform, and, recognizing that autocracy was an absurdity in the nineteenth century of our era, and that the throne stands far stronger if the subjects join somewhat in its powers, he drew up a constitution. This Magma Carta of Russia was about to be promulgated, a little seed from which, in time, would have grown as representative and stable a government as that which England now enjoys, when the emperor was blown up by a bomb. '' Oh, the nihilist devils!'' cried Russian officialdom. '' The anarchist demons!" shuddered the ignorant outside world, and the intelligent in Russia sighed and cynically laughed. Why was it that when Alexander entered the imperial box at the opera every courtier sneaked from his seat with an ashen face, until the monarch and his family were left almost alone in an empty house? Why did the sleighs of the upper bureauocrats avoid the Nevsky Prospeckt as if that avenue were the pathway to hell? They said the Prospeckt was mined. Well, who mined it? Surely not the hunted nihilists. No, it is perfectly well understood in St, Petersburg that the Liberator Tzar was blown into pieces by members of his own suite, because they feared that he might become the Tzar Constitutional.
The eldest son of the murdered emperor, carefully trained by his father for the duties of the destined throne, might have carried on to completion the plans of the good Alexander, but the young prince had died a few years before, somewhat suddenly. Alexander the Third therefore succeeded. He was a sincere, good-natured giant, but he had not received a political education adequate to his exalted station, and he was naturally terrified at his father's fate. Alone in his empire he remained ignorant of the true murderers of his august parent. The bowing courtiers pointed to the nihilists and Alexander believed. This, then, he muttered, was what came of liberality. Forthwith all the reforms of the father, out of respect to the father's memory, were repealed. Only the ukase of emancipation remained. It had to.
From 1881 to 1894 the entire machinery of government was reactionary. Every spark of free thought was resolutely stamped out, the bureauocracy was triumphant. Alexander III. meanwhile became more and more dissatisfied with the results of his rule, but he knew not how to turn, and so with his will of iron he plodded wearily onward.
As a youth the emperor had had as a tutor M. Pobyedonostseff, at this time procurator of the Holy Synod. M. Pobyedonostseff is a man of singular ability and of relentless will, whose whole soul was devoted to the upholding of his pupil's absolute power and of the supremacy of the Orthodox Church. The only way to do this that he believed in was to repress. As head of the administrative side of the established religion, and as the secret whisperer always at the emperor's ear, neither in church nor state could any onward step be taken. The procurator is no vulgar fanatic. His learning is vast, his knowledge of the world extensive, his sincerity undoubted. The latest books of England and America lie upon his table, and no one suspects that his unintermitting toil produces anything beyond the modest stipend of his office. But to him it is criminal to educate the people when their lot, of necessity, must be one of lowly labor. It only renders them unhappy by creating desires which cannot be satisfied. To him a government in which the people participate is a foolishness, headed only toward disaster. To him also religious freedom is simply a delusion, for the Orthodox Church possesses the truth, and why should help be given for the dissemination of falsehood?
Therefore, autocracy must be upheld for the good of Russia, and never did the imperial mind cease to receive from the procurator this lesson. Also all dissent from the Russian Church must be reduced to the smallest dimensions. Few, indeed, are the intelligent and honest men who will aid in such a propaganda, and, therefore, M. Pobyedonostseff, himself incorruptible and cultured, has been driven more and more to recommend to his master agents brutal and greedy. Thence came into civil greatness the Von Plehves and the Trepoffs. The ecclesiastical hierarchy, bending beneath the rod, obeys, albeit not with enthusiasm, the mandates of this lay pope.
In 1894, Alexander III. died. His constitution should have carried him to as great an age as man can go, and he was still only in middle life. Sinister rumors float thru the salons of St. Petersburg, and the kind of slow poison which a certain strict court dignitary administered is told one in great secrecy. But of this no man knows. He died, however, and Nicholas the Second was proclaimed in Warsaw and Vladivostok, in Archangel and in Odessa, tzar and autocrat of all the Russias.
Nicholas is a courteous and amiable young man who loves his wife and wishes his subjects well, but is not especially interested in anything in particular, not even in ruling. Vast masses of documents are piled upon his private desk each morning, which reluctant ministers sav ought to receive his auspicious attention. Being a conscientious man Nicholas attends to them, and thus never is able to get the time nor energy to rise above a bewildering cloud of details which float in from all quarters of an empire eight million square miles in extent. Moreover, when a crisis occurs and conflicting opinions are presented, his majesty becomes confused, and, dropping the reins of power altogether, allows affairs to drift.
M. Pobyedonostseff still looms up. Alexander III. was a gentleman, and, no matter what took place in Russia itself, the rights of the people of Finland were respected. The tzar was in that country only a constitutional Grand Duke, and had sworn, as had his ancestors, to observe the Finnish constitution. And respect it he did. But somebody talked Nicholas into a belief that his father's policy toward Finland was really to reduce it to the rank of a Russian province, and forthwith, disregarding his own plighted faith, all the age-old liberties of Finland were trampled in the mire by Russian military despots. While this crime, than which none in history is more cruel and contemptible, was being cynically perpetrated in the face of a vow registered on the international archives of Europe, the same Europe was sweetly exhorted to send delegates to a congress which the Utopiansouled emperor of Russia designed for forwarding the sacred cause of universal peace.
This was like Nicholas. He reads a book on the horrors of war, and forthwith sends notes to his fellow-sovereigns inviting them to disarm immediately. A skilful courtier or blunt M. Pobyedonostseff suggests that such and such a plan was part of the lamented Alexander Ill's policy, and Nicholas orders that the plan be put in force. The genius of Alexander III., or what is supposed to be his genius, must always prevail while his son reigns. Thus says the tzaritza dowager, and thus the emperor obeys.
For the tzaritza dowager is not to be lightly considered by ministers and cabinets. It is now many years since the Princess Dagmar of Denmark left Copenhagen to share the throne of Alexander, but, like her sister, Queen Alexandra of England, she seems to have discovered the fountain of perpetual youth. During her husband's reign she occupied herself wholly with being the leader of fashion, and her exquisite toilettes were the delight of all feminine Europe. Upon her son's accession, however, she turned to political affairs, and has drilled into Nicholas' mind that he must always carry out the adored Alexander's policy. That policy her imperial majesty considers to consist of two things, first, the upholding in its entirety of the autocratic power of the throne; second, the preservation of international peace. To this end she has directed all her abilities, and that they are by no means contemptible was shown on the fateful twentysecond of January. While the tzar was lieing terified at his country palace, while the grand dukes, were barricading their palaces or meditating flight, when every opulent burgher of the capital was hiding his treasures and acting after the manner of a Kansas farmer who sees a cyclone approaching, the tzaritza dowager, with only a coachman and footman.drove twice the full length of the Nevsky Prospeckt, that all men might see that whoever else was terrified the mother of the tzar was still undaunted.
But, it will naturally be asked, is not the war with Japan a violation of Alexander Ill's policy of international peace? Now the war with Japan is a mystery. No man can know surely, but the most probable guesses are that it was brought about by these reasons: First, the Russian ministers mean by international peace a peace with the great European powers, for with the conceit which permeates Russian officialdom, they never dreamed of Japan as a real antagonist of their empire, and second, they never expected a war with Japan anyway. Their holding of Manchuria was, to use an Americanism, simply a '' bluff,'' and they not for one minute considered the possibility of the mikado calling that same "bluff."
The mikado did call it, however. The astonishment professed by Nicholas and his court when the Japanese torpedo boats made their unheralded attack at Port Arthur—an astonishment regarded in this country as merely hypocrisy—was, in all probability, real. The results of the year of warfare have produced real astonishment, too. And here lies the solemnity of the matter; the people are in a like degree astonished also. For with all their Asiatic stolidity the Russian peasant is very patriotic and dearly loves Holy Russia. Now, despite all the artifices of censors and courtiers, the ordinary moujik knows that the Russian armies are being defeated by the heathen. He feels, as would Americans, if they could be brought to real
ize that the Eskimo Indians were marching on Washington, and, notwithstanding every effort of the Federal government, were always victorious.
Here centers the discontent. The common people suddenly realize the wretchedness which the bad financial condition of the empire has brought upon them. The middle classes suddenly feel the sense of injury, not merely at the absence of all political rights, but also at their deprivation of those ordinary civil rights, such as impartial trials and freedom of speech, which even the subjects of Louis XV. enjoyed. The intellectual Russian and the great noble, even when little disposed to be socialistic or revolutionary, begin to doubt the sublime wisdom of a pure autocracy as the method of governing. Finland broods over her wrongs. Poland is always ready to spring at her oppressor. And M. Pobyedonostseff has industriously bred millions of religious enemies to the tzardom.
The Greek church, calm in the strength of her hundred million adherents, proud of her perfect orthodoxy and her undeniable apostolicity, confident in the Light that shines upon her altars, is not naturally a persecuting church. But M. Pobyedonostseff would have all dissenters from her communion persecuted, and so, by the tzar's orders, persecuted they were. The Roman Catholic has added the word Filioque to the faith of the Nicene fathers, and places the bishop of Rome above, not alongside, His Holiness of Constantinople. Therefore, the Roman Catholic was persecuted. The Lutheran defines the Real Presence in a way of his own, and has rejected the episcopal order. Therefore, the Lutheran was persecuted. Still more, various non-Slavic communities within the empire, such as the Armenians and Gregorians, have national churches of their own. Their faith is identical with that of the established Church, only they had their own national organization. Let them, too, be persecuted. Let every dissident be persecuted. Especially let us persecute even to the death these Jews who reject the faith entire and accumulate so much money. So spake the procurator and it was done. Therefore, to-day a considerable proportion of his subjects utterly hate the persecuting Romanoff.
The minister Von Plehve is blown to the sky. The tzar trembles. Prince Sviatopolk-Mirsky is made Minister of the Interior, and starts in reforming. He asks the president of the zemstvos to meet in St. Petersburg and help him. These lofty ariotocrats pass resolutions, asking not merely for civil rights for the people, but they demand a representative legislature. The empire gasps with surprise. The grand ducal relatives of the tzar are shocked at the indecency. The tzar administers a petulant rebuke to the zemstvos and sends them about their business.
And then, without any preliminary indication, comes that twenty-second of January, with thousands of workmen marching thru the streets of St. Petersburg to present a petition to the tzar. The tzar, trembling, hides at Tsarskoe-Selo, and the Grand Duke Vladimir is in command. The Cossacks fire on the workingmen, and every street in St. Petersburg is a field of battle. The Paris of the Terror is recalled. But discipline prevails over desperation and enthusiasm, and the grand ducal uncle, perhaps meditating on a crown—for after Nicholas there is only a little baby and a delicate youth between him and the scepter—can report to his august nephew that all is peace. "There is a desolation and he calls it peace."
This is sure; the prestige of autocracy is gone. It is no longer supposed to be wiser than a democracy, either for peace or for war. And, for the first time since Napoleon retreated from Moscow, the world no longer fears "the bear that walks like a man."
N. E,. A. Announcements.
Executive Committee for 1904-1905.
Tit tr M*vwpii Prpqident New York N Y. Albert G. Lane, Chairman of Trustees, Chicago, 111.
William H. Maxwell, President w ew lore, «. U. S. Com'r of Education, Washington, D. C.
Ihwin Shepard, Secretary, Winona, Minn.
National Council-Elmer E. Brown Berkeley, Cal.
Special Education-Miss M. Bancroft, Haddonfleld, N. J.
State Directors and Managers.
The names of state managers are indicated by indentation. It all other cases the state directors will act as state mana
NORTH ATLANTIC DIVISION.
John S. Locke, superintendent of schools, Saco, Me.
Charles H. Keyes, super. So. dist. schools, Hartford, Conn. Augustus S. Downing, asst. com'r of educ., Albany, N. Y. John Enright, county supt. of schools Freehold, N. J.
James M. Green, prin. state nor. school, Trenton N. J.
Chas. J. Baxter, state supt. of pub. mstr Trenton, N. J. John W. Lansinger, state nor. school, Millersville, Pa.
SOUTH ATLANTIC DIVISION.
George W. Twitmyer, supt. of schools, Wilmington, Del. M Bates Stephens, state supt. pub educ, Baltimore, Md. Alexander T. Stuart, supt. of schools, Washington, D. C. Hosmer M. Johnson, superv. principal, Anacostia, D. C. Joseph L. Jarman, pres. of St. F. nor. «£l FarmviUe, Va. Miss Lucy Robinson, superv. of music Wheeling, W. Va. Miss Lydla A. Yates private school Wilmington N.C. W K Tate, principal of normal school, Charleston, fc>. U Miss Clem Hampton, state dept. of educ, Tallahassee, Fla.
SOUTH CENTRAL DIVISION.
<? L. Froeee, pres. of training school, Frankfort, Ky.
W M Slaton, prin. boys' high school, Atlanta, Ga. Isaac W. Hill, state supt. of education. Montgomery, Ala. Robert B. Fulton, chancellor, state unw., University P.
'Warren Easton, supt. of schools, New Orleans, La. Alexander Hogg, supt. of schools, Fort Worth, Texas. Andrew R. Hickam, prin. of high sch Oklahoma City, Ok. J H. Hinemon. st. aupt. of pub. inst.. Little Rock Ark. John D. Benedict, terr. supt. of sch., Muskogee, Ind. Ter.
NORTH CENTRAL DIVISION.
Edmund D. Lyon, supt. of schools, Madisonville, Ohio.
Robert G. Young, supt. of schools, Butte, Mont.
Miss Estelle Reel, supt. of Ind. schools, Washington, D. C.
John F. Keating, supt. of schools, Pueblo, Colo.
Hugh A. Owen, normal school, Silver City, New Mex.
A. J. Mathews, pres. of terr. nor. school, Tempe, Am.
A. C. Nelson, state supt. pub. inst., Salt Lake City, Utah.
J E Stubbs, pres. of State university, Reno, Nevada.
Miss May L. Scott, state supt. pub. inst., Boise, Idaho.
Miss Cassia Fatten, teacher, sch. No. 2, Sitka, Alaska.
Organization at Asbury Park and Ocean Grove.
LOCAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.
President, T. Frank Appleby.
CHAIRMEN OF SUB-COMMITTEES.
Committee on Entertainment, May9r Frank L. Ten Broeck. Committee on Finance, R. A. Tusting. Committee on Railroads, Dr. Bruce S. Keator. Committee on the Press, Morton Pennypacker. Com. on Hotels and Boarding Houses, Harry J. Rockaf eller. Committee on Places of Meeting, Dr. James F. Ackerman. Committee on Reception, Supt. Fred. S. Shepherd. Each sub-committee includes a number of prominent citizens of Asbury Park and Ocean Grove.
The Forty-Fourth Annual Convention of the National Educational association will be held in Asbury Park and Ocean Grove, N. J., July 3-7,
The railroads of the Passenger Department of the Trunk Line association have granted a roundtrip rate to Asbury Park and Ocean Grove amounting to one fare to New York city plus three dollars and thirty-five cents-$2.00 membership fee, $1.36 covering round-trip rate from New York to place of meeting, and the validation of ticket by joint agent—with provisions for extension of tickets, on the deposit plan, to September 1, 1905.
Arrangements will also be made at New York city for deposit, and extension to the same date, of tickets that have been previously validated at Asbury Park for the return trip.
This rate has been tendered to connecting lines as a basing rate, and will doubtless be concurred in and adopted by the several passenger associations, and proportionate rates granted from all points in their respective territories.
Already the New England Passenger association has granted the same rate. Action by other associations is expected at an early date.
Full announcement of railroad rates from all states, ticket conditions, and excursions to follow the Convention, will be made in the Program-Bulletin to be issued about April 1, 1905. Hotels and Accommodations
It is impossible to publish in this brief announcement the entire list of hotels that will be open for the entertainment of members; only the leading hotels which are centrally located and are available for state headquarters are named. Written guarantees of the rates have been filed with the local committee. Each hotel has agreed to entertain during the convention the number of guests indicated in the first column of the following table.
There are a large number of other excellent hotels and boarding houses at rates varying from $1.50 to $2.50 per day, while many thousand accommodations have already been secured in private homes and boarding houses at rates varying from $1.00 to $2.00 per day, and at still lower rates by the week.
The association has not often met where its members could be entertained so economically and so pleasantly as in these two beautiful seaside cities, Asbury Park and Ocean Grove. In anticipation of a very large attendance it is advised that early engagements for entertainment be made thru the local committee.
Owing to the abundant facilities for bathing in bath houses and in the ocean, but few of the hotels offer private baths in connection with their rooms; where this can be done the rate will be $1.00 per day additional for each room whether occupied by one or two persons.
The Coleman House will be the headquarters of the executive committee and department officers. The limited capacity of this house and the favorable location of the other hotels lead the executive committee to recommend state directors and managers to seek to distribute the state headquarters among1 the hotels named: following the policy that proved so satisfactory at the Boston convention.
The hotels of the following list have agreed to provide parlors for state headquarters.
List of Hotels.
Number Rate Rate
Name of N. E. A. Two in One in
of Hotel Guests a room a room
Coleman (headquarters)... .200
Sunset Hall 150
The Plaza 200
Grand Avenue 75
St. James 75
The New York 50
Raven wood Inn 50
United States 175
The Local Committee.
The organization of local committees has been completed, and preparations are well advanced for the entertainment of the members and for the sessions of the convention. Correspondence may be addressed to the secretary of the local executive committee at Asbury Park or to the chairmen of the respective sub-committees. Inquiries as to hotel accommodations should be addressed to Mr. Harry Duffield, secretary of the sub-committee on hotels, Asbury Park, N. J.