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had this unfortunate effect in Germany, that it widened the differences between the states, and led to an antagonism between the Protestant and Catholic parties which condemned the country to political insignificance and opened the door to foreign interference. There was no central power in the hands of one ruler, as in France or Spain, no central seat of a strong government as Paris, Madrid or London.

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Among those who ardently desired an increase of the imperial power was Wallenstein. Although Germany contained several hundred republics in its free towns- -so-called "Imperial " cities, Freie Reichsstädte, there could be no thought, in that century, of an extension and general application of the republican principle. The question was: Shall there be a thousand heads in Germany, or only one? Had it not been for the religious differences this question might have been settled in favor of the one authority of an emperor. This circumstance is of the greatest importance. In France Protestantism was finally crushed and deprived of its rights. In Germany Protestantism fought and bled for thirty years, but finally conquered. Ferdinand II had nothing so much at heart as the stamping out of this heresy. Educated by Jesuits that new order of the Church, established for the special defense of the papacy and the destruction of Lutheranism - he was entirely led by the counsel of Jesuits, especially by Father Lamormain, of this order, who afterwards became the special enemy of Wallenstein. On a pilgrimage to Loretto in Italy, Ferdinand, then only archduke, had taken the solemn vow to extirpate heresy in his hereditary lands. He was a pious, well-intentioned man, but utterly incapable of financial management, and therefore compelled to count on outside help when in trouble. This was the case now. He asked for and obtained help from Spain, and from two German states: Bavaria and Saxony. Duke Maximilian of Bavaria was the most active and most influential of the South-German Catholic sovereigns, and his assistance was the most valuable. His general, Tilly, won the battle at the White Hill, near Prague, which ended the short reign of the new king, who was compelled to

flee. The Emperor conferred the fugitive king's rank as PrinceElector on Maximilian and also assigned to him a part of Frederic's possessions. This was the beginning of the wretched war that was to last for thirty years. Frederic succeeded in making his father-in-law join an alliance of the larger part of the Protestant states, Saxony and Brandenburg keeping aloof, and to win over the King of Denmark, who was made the commanding general of a large Protestant army. This army was opposed by the troops of the " League," the name of a union of the southern Catholic states. The command of this army was given to Tilly, who soon routed the Protestant forces.

At this time France, eager to win German territory during the war in Germany, was playing a diplomatic game which finally led to her active participation in the war.

While the army under King Christian of Denmark was forming, Wallenstein came forward with the project of enlisting an army in behalf of the Emperor. His plan was accepted, as he had pledged himself to raise an army of 20,000 men without financial assistance from the Emperor who was in a chronic state of pecuniary embarrassment. He soon increased this force to double and finally to more than treble this number. As his men received no regular pay they lived on the people, who were powerless to resist their extortions and barbarous oppressions. The army of the League, although put into the field by princes of the empire, was not under imperial control. It was Wallenstein's intention to make the imperial army supreme in Germany. This gave rise to friction and much complaint. The princes began to fear for their separate and individual rights, especially when the Emperor made his general Duke of Mecklenburg, depriving the hereditary ruler of his possession. (Cf. W. T., 11. 603–609).

III. WALLENSTEIN AND GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS.

At a meeting of the Prince-Electors at Ratisbon (Regensburg), in August, 1630, Duke Maximilian demanded, in the name of all the loyal princes of Germany, that the Emperor should dismiss

Wallenstein. The Emperor reluctantly complied, August 13th, but had soon reason to regret the step. (Cf. Wallenstein's Tod, 11. 555-571, 1786-1790.) While yet the deliberations as to Wallenstein's dismissal were going on, a new and by far the most formidable of all the enemies of the imperial and Catholic cause had appeared. On July 6th, Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, had landed undisturbed on the coasts of Pomerania.

Before the King felt safe enough to prevent it, Magdeburg, the stronghold of Protestantism in the north, a wealthy and populous city, had been taken and cruelly sacked, May 10th, 1631, by Tilly's troops. The prosperous city had been turned into a heap of smouldering ruins. The King now marched against Tilly and defeated him at Breitenfeld, near Leipzig, and later in Bavaria, on the river Lech, where Tilly was so severely wounded that he died shortly after. (Cf. W.'s T., ll. 1795-1801.) The intervention of Sweden was partly or principally due to French efforts. The successes of Wallenstein had caused the French to fear that the Emperor might soon establish peace, in which case he would have been too strong for them. At the end of the war France obtained Alsace, but without Strassburg, and Sweden the best part of Pomerania and some other German territory. His interest in the cause of religion was after all only one of the motives of the Swedish King, and not the principal one.

The Emperor now recalled Wallenstein, who did not at first show any willingness to re-enter the imperial service. He had withdrawn to his little dukedom of Friedland in northeastern Bohemia, which the emperor had allowed him to form of large estates, confiscated because their owners had participated in the rebellion, and sold at nominal figures. He was living in regal splendor in the magnificent palace he had built at Gitschin, a king on a small scale. (Cf. W.'s T., 11. 506-511.) He finally consented to organize another army, but with the understanding that he would resign after three months. It was only by granting him extraordinary powers and privileges that the Emperor finally succeeded in inducing him to take charge of the new imperial

army as its only absolute general-in-chief. (Cf. W.'s T., II. 569582.) The heterogeneous mass of his army, the low character of the men that composed it (cf. W.'s T., ll. 296–312), and the known efficiency of the Swedish army made Wallenstein cautious in meeting his victory-crowned adversary. He moved, however, to meet him at Nürnberg, a Protestant city which Gustavus Adolphus had occupied. Wallenstein entrenched himself strongly at Fuerth, a short distance from Nürnberg, using as the center of his position a ruined castle which is mentioned in the drama as „die alte Feste.“ (Cf. W.'s T., ll. 1920.) Here he repelled successfully an attack of the Swedes, Sept. 3, 1632. Disease and lack of food compelled both armies to leave the locality, but on November 16th, 1632, they met again, and this time in open battle, at Lützen, west of Leipzig. Gustavus Adolphus had the advantage of a large number of foot soldiers armed with fire-arms, which at that time had not yet fully displaced the halberd or pike. This enabled him to move his troops in thinner lines and with greater celerity. In Wallenstein's army the armament of the foot soldier was inferior, hence success had to come through the artillery and cavalry. At the height of the battle, which went against the imperialists, Pappenheim, a famous cavalry leader, arrived with his cavalry on the field from Halle. Rushing immediately upon the Swedes he was mortally wounded, but his attack prevented the success of the Swedish movement. Before he died he had the satisfaction of learning that Gustavus Adolphus, the greatest enemy of his faith, had lost his life in this battle. In the night both armies fell back, though the Swedes claimed the victory. (Cf. W.'s T., l. 1921; l. 1871; ll. 900-942.)

IV. WALLENSTEIN'S TREASON AND DEATH.

Wallenstein took up his quarters in Bohemia, which he did not leave until a Swedish force appeared in Silesia, to the east of his own possessions, although repeatedly and earnestly urged by the Emperor to go to the relief of Regensburg, which was threatened by another Swedish force under Bernhard von Weimar. On Oct.

11, 1633, he forced the surrender of a corps of some five to six thousand Swedes near the town of Steinau in Silesia. His treatment of the officers, especially of Mathias Thurn, a German-Bohemian leader who had taken a prominent part in the Bohemian insurrection, excited great displeasure and distrust in Vienna. He gave Thurn and other officers their freedom and, as it is claimed and seems proven, according to the historian Gindely, entered into treasonable negotiations with him and the Swedish chancellor. On November 14th Regensburg fell. In spite of the most urgent appeals, and finally the positive command of the Emperor, he had not prevented this serious event, although his forces far outnumbered those under Bernhard. Suspicions of treasonable intentions on the part of Wallenstein became now general in Vienna. Hearing of these, and wishing at all events to be sure of his army, he procured from the heads of his regiments in camp near Pilsen, January 12, 1634, a written promise to stand by him unconditionally and to avenge him on his enemies.

The paper is known as the Der erste Pilsener Schluss and was signed by forty-nine higher officers. Their signatures had been procured upon Wallenstein's announcement that he was ready to resign. As these officers relied upon him for the recovery of large sums they had expended in enlisting men and for their equipment, and as they were the recipients of a considerable income through the liberality or connivance of their leader, they feared that they would be heavy losers by a change, and perhaps ruined altogether. They were well aware of the emptiness of the imperial treasury, and placed all their hopes of gain and preferment on Wallenstein.

When the contents of the document became known in Vienna the Emperor himself no longer refused to believe in the treason of his general. On January 24, he issued a secret order which deprived him of his command, but held out their pardon to the officers, with the exception of Illo and Terzky, on condition that they should henceforth obey the orders of Gallas - in the drama we find Octavio Piccolomini substituted for him who was placed temporarily in charge of the army. The order was kept secret,

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