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Adams administration Amos Kendall Andrew Jackson appointed asked bank believe Benton Biddle bill Buren cabinet Calhoun called Campbell candidate caucus character charge citizens Colonel committee conduct confidence Congress conversation corruption course Crawford declared desire doubt Duff Green duty Edward Livingston election favor federalists feel friends General's gentleman George Kremer give Governor hand Henry Clay honor House informed Ingham Isaac Hill Jeremiah Mason John John Quincy Adams knew ladies legislature letter Major Eaton Major Lewis Martin Van Buren ment morning Nashville never Nicholas Biddle nomination object opinion paper party Pennsylvania political politicians present President presidential received remarked removal replied republican seat Secretary Senate session soon South Carolina supposed tariff Tennessee thing thought Timberlake tion told Treasury Union United Vice-President vote Washington Webster wife wish wrote York
Page 365 - ... a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned...
Page 403 - ... every man is equally entitled to protection by law; but when the laws undertake to add to these natural and just advantages artificial distinctions, to grant titles, gratuities, and exclusive privileges, to make the rich richer and the potent more powerful, the humble members of society — the farmers, mechanics, and laborers — who have neither the time nor the means of securing like favors to themselves, have a right to complain of the injustice of their Government.
Page 403 - There are no necessary evils in government. Its evils exist only in its abuses. If it would confine itself to equal protection, and as Heaven does its rains, shower its favors alike on the high and the low, the rich and the poor, it would be an unqualified blessing.
Page 268 - The Charter of the Bank of The United States expires in 1836, and its Stockholders will most probably apply for a renewal of their privileges. In order to avoid the evils resulting from precipitancy in a measure involving such important principles, and such deep pecuniary interests, I feel that I cannot, in justice to the Parties interested, too soon present it to the deliberate consideration of the Legislature and the People.
Page 402 - The opinion of the judges has no more authority over Congress than the opinion of Congress has over the judges, and on that point the President is independent of both.
Page 170 - The recent demonstration of public sentiment inscribes on the list of executive duties, in characters too legible to be overlooked, the task of reform, which will require particularly the correction of those abuses that have brought the patronage of the federal government into conflict with the freedom of elections...
Page 86 - While foreign nations, less blessed with that freedom which is power than ourselves, are advancing with gigantic strides in the career of public improvement, were we to slumber in indolence, or fold up our arms and proclaim to the world that we are palsied by the will of our constituents...
Page 402 - The Congress, the Executive, and the Court must each for itself be guided by its own opinion of the Constitution. Each public officer who takes an oath to support the Constitution swears that he will support it as he understands it, and not as it is understood by others.
Page 169 - With regard to a proper selection of the subjects of impost, with a view to revenue, it would seem to me that the spirit of equity, caution, and compromise, in which the constitution was formed, requires that the great interests of agriculture, commerce and manufactures, should be equally favored, and that perhaps the only exception to this rule should consist in the peculiar encouragement of any products of either of them that may be found essential to our national independence.
Page 478 - That the constitution of the United States is not a league, confederacy, or compact between the people of the several states in their sovereign capacities ; but a government proper, founded on the adoption of the people, and creating direct relations between itself and individuals.