This is by any measure one of the high spots of investigative journalism over the past decade; it is comprehensive in every sense: exposition, narrative, and documentation, and Jeremy Scahill is a solid journalistic prose stylist. You won't find, I suspect, a more exhaustive study of private mercenary armies, their role in the overall corporate defense contracting infrastructure, or the threat they pose to our democratic republic. At the time of this book's publication, I saw Jeremy Scahill interviewed on one news program or another several times, and each time his interlocuter had to ask why organizations like Blackwater threaten democracy. The strength of this book--and Mr. Scahill as a writer--rests in the fact that while it provides you facts, it never presents conclusions. The facts themselves perform that task, which is what we ought to expect from our best journalists. Jeremy Scahill joins their ranks with this book.

Facts are great. Accompanying opinions with said facts, not so much. ( )

Audiobook. ( )

You go into the book thinking Erik Prince is Darth Vader.

He's not. He's more akin to Director Krennic: a manipulator of corrupt institutions that simply don't value life.

The real shock of Scahill's excellent coverage is just how banal the evil of the mercenary business is. Much like imperialist and colonial military dogma, the expansion of the private security contractors--mercenaries--boils down to exploitation and indifference. Exploitation of government policy to procure highly suspect security contracts and indifference towards the lives of the foreign populations affected by private militaries that are not beholden to account for war crimes. ( )

This book just confirms what we all know: the Untied (spelling intentional) States of America is a seriously fucked-up place.

This book terrified me. Overly-powerful fanatical men, believing they are working for the Christian God—the only God—turn killing into a multi-billion dollar industry to overthrow all those crazy-ass overly-powerful fanatical men who believe they are working for their god or gods.

In the middle, you have the highly-trained men who are simply in it for the massive payday.

War is big business, and business is good.

It blows my mind that all these Republicans believe they're morally right pulling all this shit (and no, I'm not naive enough to believe the Dems are much better).

I've said it before, I'll say it again. There's more than enough religion in the world to start wars, but nowhere near enough to end them. ( )

You can read the book jacket to see what it's about, but I found it more interesting than I expected. And following the reports about Blackwater in the news appears to be only part of the story. A good study of a troubling trend. ( )

Very troubling. ( )

A good read, but like in The Assassination Complex, there are repetitive sentences and passages, I'm guessing coming from having a series of longform articles compiled into a book. Still surprising to see the extent of this, the huge amounts of money, the extraordinary legal gray areas that complicit politicians carved out to make PMCs effectively immune from prosecution.

Some basic Wikipedia perusal, Blackwater, rebranded Academi, has merged with several other PMCs under an umbrella holding company. ( )

A book about "Blackwater" could have been easily turned into yet another "conspiracy theory" storytelling, but instead this book is something else.

Nonetheless, if you are looking for something that will raise your outrage, this book has plenty of material that can test your moral sense.

In this extensively documented book (out of almost 500 pages, 100 are just of footnotes and bibligraphical references), you will find plenty of stories about cronyism, political convergence, and business development strategy, as well as the expected reviews of incidents and recruitment plus deployment practices.

But, personally, I decided to read it for something else.

I was interested in stories about logistics and procurement when private and public armed activities share the same space.

Another book "An Army at Dawn: The War in Africa, 1942-1943" (https://www.librarything.com/work/13178/book/81996115), showed how in WWII modern war logistics was in its infancy.

Nowadays, we live in a more complex world.

And, in our complex world, most countries dropped the "draft".

I served just one year in Italy, compulsory service.

In my time, I worked a bit also on logistics and procurement, but civilians were just suppliers, not part of joint operations.

If you remove the draft and create a professional army, this has some impacts, and when you then cut down the costs, plenty of restructuring of activities and processes is needed.

And when you do more with less? Eventually, you might have to outsource, if you cannot wait to expand again your footprint.

In business, I worked extensively within various forms of outsourcing, and therefore I am familiar with the side-effects on an organization getting "addicted" to outsourcing also for what is mission-critical (i.e. "core business").

And, of course, I was interested to read how a training facility turned into a private provider of security details, scaling up to almost brigade level (my group was reporting at a divisional level, a notch up in the complexity level, but we fired weapons only in training exercises, albeit some NCOs told stories of when they had been deployed to a previous UN peacekeeping mission in Lebanon).

Redundancy and check-and-balances is what you expect from an army that, as is normal within NATO countries, reports to politicians, who, in turn, are elected.

Once I asked a non-Italian friend who had served as a professional if he ever considered serving as a private contractor, and his answer resonated often through this book: no- more money, less armour.

When a supplier can influence your strategy and operations, you have to add to your own complexities a further layer: continuously ensuring that your suppliers' purposes do not interfere with your own.

This book shares some episodes where this "alignment" was at best questionable, but the lessons could actually be translated into something useful in less-critical (but still business) situations.

A further layer in this book is adding more depth on "sidelines", as explaining the context of some episodes requires backtracking and doing plenty of "flash-back" episodes.

This sometimes makes the prose slightly heavy, but it is worth getting through it, also if once in a while sounds as "Cloud Atlas" (it all converges in the end).

So, beside what you could expect from the title "Blackwater" and subtitle "

Anyway, interesting, and here and there even an amusing reading, albeit sometimes you wonder how some of the episodes could have happened at all. ( )

Covers the rise of mercenaries, exemplified by Blackwater, who are receiving very large amounts of money to keep the peace in hotspots around the world. Of course, while Blackwater's owner and senior staff are paid handsomely, the same cannot be said of many of the soldiers serving in dangerous areas. While some sections drag, overall "Blackwater" is a quite frightening insight into how war is making some people very rich (and did the founder name his company "Blackwater" specifically because it sounded ominous?) ( )

A comprehensive and a bit shocking overview of Blackwater and the privatization of our military capabilities.the US is using a private army in the Middle East that has been built by Christian evangelicals - radicals... ( )

From my Cannonball Read V review...

Just to make sure we're all on the same page: Blackwater is a horrible, horrible, horrible company, right? Like, everyone with a conscience is aware of that fact? Everyone who works there is not a horrible person (many are just trying to survive), but we all know that the organization is bloody awful, yes?

Okay, so starting from that premise, why read a book that tells you in detail about how horrible it is? Because it's good. Really good. It is very well researched, with a level of detail in the writing that brings home the realities of just how atrocious an organization this is.

Scahill provides a history of the company, from its roots in the southern U.S., through the Iraq war and into present day, where Blackwater (now ACADEMI) has truly terrifying plans. He discusses the problems of a mercenary army - recruitment, payment, accountability (well, lack thereof), lawlessness. He uses the murder of four Blackwater contractors in Fallujah as backdrop against which the book is set, returning to what happened, how it happened, and the impact on the families. That running story points out how expendable these contractors are to the company. Their lives may be on the line, and they may be getting great compensation (unless they are from South American or Africa, which Scahill addresses in the book), but in the end, the company doesn't care about them. Their deaths are a PR issue, but that's about it.

The biggest problem with contractors like Blackwater from the perspective of the county and the world is that they are essentially mercenaries. They are paid to protect the elite, to do things that our military might or might not be able to do, and they aren’t accountable to anyone. They may technically be subcontractors, but they aren’t covered by the same laws as private citizens, and they pretend to be military even though they don’t have the same oversight. They can do whatever they want with minimal consequences; claiming immunity as a quasi-military organization. It’s despicable.

From the perspective of the families of the contractors who are killed due to the careless policies of Blackwater (and, by extension, the U.S. government for contracting with them), these contractors don’t get the same respect and care as the military. Some of them may be doing work that troops would have done in the past, but because they aren’t military, they don’t get the same benefits, or support. Is that wrong? I don’t know. You can argue they know what they signed up for, but Blackwater is so shady that who knows what they were really told, and how much time they all had to really review what they signed.

Beyond the tasks Blackwater performed in Iraq and Afghanistan, they also ingratiated themselves in the Katrina response, taking part in disaster profiteering. They lied about saving lives, and tried to not pay the contractors the prevailing ways.

This company isn’t just bad for the reasons stated above; they are bad because of what they represent: a shift from governmental accountability to private (stockholder / owner) accountability. One thing about war is that the country is supposed to feel the consequences of it. It should keep us from just going to war with anyone we dislike, without cause. But as more of the actions are shifted to mercenary companies like Blackwater, who’s to speak up and say it’s not okay?

If you have any interest in this, and want to have some details to back up your understanding that Blackwater is just appalling, check out the book. ( )

Looks at Eric Prince's Co. Blackwater in Iraq as an extension of Rumsfeld's Department of Defense and the national security establishment. Warns that Blackwater would become a private arm of domestic national security, DHS, and possibly working with the CIA. Basically, an anti-military expose which uses Prince as the straw man to condemn a bloated, corrupt, and inefficient Pentagon. Not worth reading.

Chilling ( )

Torn. On one hand I should have read this when it was more timely. On the other the rambling meant it sat on my shelf for far longer than it would've if it was written in a straightforward way ( )

Addendum 8/6/09: Erik Prince accused of murder. http://www.thenation.com/doc/20090817/scahill

I had no idea the depth of antagonism toward the Clinton election evinced by such stalwarts as Scalia, Colson, Dobson, et al who, in public statements, suggested that any ruler, elected or otherwise, who was not following the divine mandate as they understood it to be, deserved to be overthrown, violently if necessary. The level of their vitriol is astonishing. Place the rise of Erick Prinz's private army, the Blackwater folks, and you have a scarry scenario, since Prinz and his family were in the forefront of support for these guys.

Support for privatization of military support had begun with Cheney and Rumsfeld long before their Bush the 2nd years as they reduced the military budget. Cheney's connections to Halliburton and KBR made his motivation suspect since they would be primary beneficiaries of government largess for such a scheme. There is no question that the Blackwater "mercenaries" (I think they meet the standard definition of the word and Blackwater hired many non-US nationals, so why quibble unless you are trying to obfuscate.)

The biggest concern I have after reading this book is that the United States government had ceded foreign policy to a corporate entity. Clearly, the Blackwater folks had a very broad mandate in their charge to protect civilians. They could interpret that charge in any way they saw fit and we all know that a good offense is the best defense. The military, whose soldiers made about a fifth of the mercenary salary, were often forced to come to the aid of the Blackwater folks who might have begun a larger engagement in a situation, where, for policy reasons, the US government or military did not want to engage troops. That the mercenaries had been specifically exempted from the standard rules of engagement which applied to the military could only make things worse. This included the use of non-standard weapons. One Blackwater type admitted to using "blended metal bullets" which made virtually any impact fatal.

In its infinite wisdom, the administration (Bremer) decided to make contractors immune from any prosectution for crimes committeed while in Iraq while performing their role under contract. That gave them virtual license to do whatever they wanted since Bremer had also ruled that the Uniform Code of Military Justice also did not apply. In addition, Congress and the administration permitted them to conduct their business in secret (since they were private companies) and even managed to vote down an anti-war-profteering bill proposed by Senator Leahy. Now think about that, they were saying, in essence, go ahead and make all the money you want, however you want, and screww the government all you want, because we say it's OK.


Let's face it, it's all about money. Rumsfeld and Cheney wanted most of the cost of the war off the books, they didn't want any kind of draft that would have forced the US to take a close look at their policies, they wanted their companies (Halliburton and Blackwater - a major Republican contributor) to make a shitload of money, which they have. Not only that, but these private armies became instruments of hidden policy. The "Caspian Guard" operation used Blackwater troops to guard the oil pipeline through Georgia (after the US helped to subvert the government of Eduard Amvrosiyevich Shevardnadze during the so called Rose Revolution in favor of Mikheil Nikolozis dze Saakashvili because the former wasn't pro-US enough.) Using these private armies, I believe, carries significant risks for the United States. Should they be attacked, it's most likely whatever administration is in power would come under enormous pressure to send in the troops. Not only that, but the companies insist they are not responsible for benefits for the families of those killed while under contract. That's the US government's job. So we get screwed twice.

It's time for a serious debate on the role of private contractors as instruments of foreign policy, and I suggest it may go beyond the military's impact. Clearly corporations with a large presence in a foreign country will have a decidedly different view of US hegemony and imperialism than Washington.

So here I am reading this book and a thought springs to mind. What organization in the United States would have the manpower, the most to lose, the true belief, and the money to engage in regime change in the United States. Blackwater? Nah, I must be just paranoid, right?

( )

I found this book to be very well researched and very well written. The only reason why I gave it a 4 star, is because it seemed to me, to represent only side of the matter. I am sure Blackwater would have a completely different perspective.

The first twenty or thirty pages were a little slow, but then it picked up. Once it picked up, i could not put it down. The book was stunning, and assuming all this is true, the implications are frightening indeed. I am not American, and I don't live in America, however, it would appear to me that a most insidious and dangerous force is slowly taking over much of the security measures/activities in the US, and that this agency may become stronger than the government ones. Since they are motivated primarily by money and power, their lust for the same will be implacable, and the security systems will be held ransom by utterly ruthless men, driven by their cold, hard motives.

Brr... This can be a scary prospect indeed, and I would not like to think too deeply about this at all. I would not sleep at night.

All in all, a fascinating book about the growth of Big Brother in our backyards. ( )

Blackwater is Jeremy Scahill's personal opinion regarding military and military type contractors actions in the Middle East as well as his opinion of the Bush and Clinton Administrations. Reading it felt like reading the National Enquirer or Star Magazine, "because inquiring minds want to know...". The author would reference real events with dates and specific data in a effort to substantiate his opinion, but the information always seemed to be half of the data needed to make a well rounded summary and valid conclusion. It seemed that the author only supplied what he thought would substantiate his opinion and insufficient information to provide a full explanation for any one occurrence. I should of just borrowed the book from the library instead of purchasing it and putting any money in the authors pocket. Then it wouldn't be sitting on my bookshelves taking up valuable space. My BA is in Social and Behavioral Science with a double major in political science and history. I know when I'm reading malarki. I'm a firm believer to obtaining data from multiple sources. Multiple international sources in the event of an international incident. I am sure human beings in the field make human mistakes. The author did not provide any data on what the statistical likelihood that a convoy would be assaulted while in transit. How often were they fired upon in the process of completing their assignment? I do not condone murder, but military personnel in a war zone are in a war zone. They are not driving in downtown New Orleans, or Gulf Shores or Key West. In a non-war zone military personnel do not drive through town expecting to be attacked. In a war zone their job is to be prepared for attack. An accurate portrayal of this situation would include that data. Exactly what types of situations the Blackwater personnel encountered on a daily basis since being placed in Iraq. From what I have read from other sources the type of fanatic who would fire upon a convoy or military personnel is dressed the same as everyday people traveling about town. One popular tactic is to place unarmed women in front of armed fanatics to give the fanatics a better opportunity of killing more UN forces. Before condemning a member of the military or military contractor complete date needs to be gathered and presented. Perhaps SOP needs updated,. Perhaps personnel need to be rotated into less active positions more often. There are many ways to improve or change the situation, but first a complete understanding of each situation needs to be compiled. Hopefully, Blackwater adjusted their SOP to a plan that would decrease the likelihood of a repeat of innocent civilians being injured and killed. Hopefully, all military's and military type contractors will develop methods to determine when an operator is to stressed to work within normal parameters. It would seem that fanatics and extremists purposely develop members who will martyr themselves and kill as many of the members of the UN Peace force as possible. The leader who sends to martyrs to their deaths need to stand trial, too. If I ever travel to a war zone I want a team like Blackwater protecting me. I will definitely pull over to the side of the road in a non-threatening manner if I ever encounter one of their convoys to avoid any misinterpretations. I think it boils down to the fact that it is exceptionally difficult to tell the friendlies from the fanatics. Does a member of the team have to die before it is determined that a force in not friendly, Much of the action is a judgement call. Maybe the forces in command need to focus on determining when personnel have experienced too much action and move them to a less active local instead of keeping men past the standard length of service and them being surprised with one of them overreacts to a situation. I guess it boils down to the fact that if you really want to read this book, borrow it from a library. ( )

Blackwater is a private organization in North Carolina that provides military contractors (mercenaries) for use by businesses and the U.S. Government in such areas as Iraq and Afghanistan, and have even worked supplying security in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina. Many of the members of this organization are former special operations specialists such as Navy Seals. Blackwater has over 7,000 acres in Moyock, North Carolina, where they offer training and facilities to military, law enforcement, special ops teams, CIA, Homeland Security, etc. They claim to be able to do the same jobs that our military does, but for less money. Even though they seem to want to receive the same recognition that our soldiers do, the don't seem to want to be held accountable to the same standards. This was a very interesting book, and I'm not against such organizations as Blackwater as long as they are held accountable for their actions, and don't actually cost us more money. The leaders of this organization seem to have very close ties with the Christian conservative Republicans, and I'm worried they may be too close, and receive considerations that other companies do not. ( )

Here's a scary look at a North Carolina business. Scahill sheds light on a mercenary company with too much influence in the backroom deals of our country's national security apparatus. ( )

+ a good starting point for further reading on the matter
- repetition can go a long way when building a case, if it's done right ( )

This is fun reading for lefties who want their worst fears confirmed. , but does it really convey much information that careful attention during the Bush years wouldn't have made clear? Also, the tone of the book seems biased to me (even though I'm biased in the same direction), and some more analysis would have been nice. The outsourcing and professionalization of the U.S. military are profoundly serious long-term issues that require deeper analysis than Scahill provides. ( )

Jeremy Scahill has an ax to grind and a certain amount of bias shows through in this expose of Blackwater's corporate army. That said, the book is well-researched, reasonably well-written and will definitely switch your paranoia on.

The book takes you through the creation of Blackwater and the background of its CEO, Eric Prince, a neo-conservative Evangelical Christian who believes that he is fighting the Crusades. It's clear that Scahill believes that Blackwater is evil and I can't say that I disagree with him. I'm pretty uncomfortable with the notion of outsourcing wars and mercenary armies make me think uncomfortably of the Italian city states in the 10th to 15th century and their constant state of warfare funded by citizens and waged by mercenary bands.

I do have some quibbles with this book. The focus is almost entirely on Blackwater's involvement in Iraq with a few ancillary chapters on their involvement in other localities. I would have liked a broader view of the company and its activities. While his chapter on Blackwater's man on the ground in Chile is interesting, Scahill misses an incredible opportunity to trace the history of US involvement in Central and South America and the teaching of torture at the Academy of the Americas and frankly doesn't do a good enough job of explicating these mercenary's ties to the Pinochet government and why that is problematic. There is another missed opportunity in the chapter on Blackwater after Katrina - to observe that we had boots on the ground with guns on the Gulf Coast before there was humanitarian aid is disturbing, but again I would have liked more information about this and an analysis of how outsourcing is impacting our disaster relief efforts. Lastly, I found myself wishing Scahill was a business reporter - I think there's a big story in where the money is coming from and where it's going and I don't think this is explored well.

Overall this is an interesting book, but very topical. Three years after its publication it is beginning to show its age and in another three years it'll be creaky. I think Scahill has done a great job of investigative reporting, but less well on contextualizing his subject matter. ( )

A look into one of our governments darkest elements - hired hands, mercenary armies, working in Iraq without rules or restrictions - how Blackwater shaped the image of America to the Iraqi people. ( )

Scahill reveals the inside workings of the Blackwater organization as well as informative and often disturbing insights into how the privatized military has played such a huge part in our current conflict. ( )